^^ — ^ »    "-^ 

A  HISTORY 

OF  THE 

COMMIHEE  OF  ONE  HUNDRED, 


AND  THE 


REFORM  MOVEMENT  IN  PHILADELPHIA 
AND  PENNSYLVANIA. 

BY    GEORGE  VICKERS. 
VOL.  I. 


ENTERED  ACCORDINQ  TO  ACT  OF  CONGRESS,  IN  THE  OFFICE  OF  THE  LIBRARIAN  TO 
CONGRESSi  AT  WASHINGTON,  D.  C,  IN  THE  YEAR  1882, 


PHILADELPHIA : 

FROM  THE  PRESS  OF  A.  C.  BRYSON,  21  SOUTH  SEVKNTH  BT. 

1883. 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNU 

SANTA  BARBARA 


INTRODUCTION. 


'  I  "HE  possession  of  political  power,  the  abuses 
to  which  it  leads,  and  the  corrupt  or  crafty 
means  resorted  to  for  its  preservation  have  in 
all  ages  furnished  themes  for  the  historian,  the 
statesman,  and  the  moralist.  A  melancholy- 
perversion  of  great  talents,  treachery,  artifice, 
and  fraud  have  been  the  familiar  and  ready  in- 
struments adopted  by  those  who  have  sacrificed 
patriotism  to  ambition,  and  trampled  under  foot 
the  good  of  the  State  in  pursuit  of  personal  ends. 
The  rage  of  party  and  of  faction  has  frequently 
endangered  the  cause  of  good  government.  The 
importance  of  party  supremacy  has  been  unduly 
magnified,  and  men  have  been  too  easily  per- 
suaded that  opposition  to  the  powers  that  be  is 
deserving  of  condemnation  and  reproach.  The 
fears  of  men,  their  cowardice,  their  reluctance  to 
face  the  odium  of  rebellion,  their  dread  of  being 
stigmatized  as  traitors  have  been  skillfully  seized 
upon  by  autocrats  as  the  means  of  suppressing 
all  murmurs  of  discontent.  The  foul  dishonor 
Qf  the  word  rebellion  has  often  stained  the  holiest 


INTRODUCTION. 


cause  ever  won  or  lost  by  tongue  or  sword,  and 
many  an  ardent  reformer  has  sunk  into  the  grave 
disheartened  or  disgraced  by  the  charge,  however 
undeserved,  of  lack  of  loyalty.  Harrington,  the 
profoundest  political  philosopher  of  the  time  of 
Cromwell,  shrewdly  observed  that  corrupt  min- 
isters styled  themselves  the  State,  in  order  that 
good  men  might  not  oppose  them,  for  fear  of 
having  their  loyalty  suspected.  This  sagacious 
remark,  based  upon  a  close  study  of  political 
phenomena,  is  a  happy  statement  of  one  of  the 
commonest  means  by  which  unprincipled  men 
have  endeavored  to  preserve  their  possession  of 
ill-gotten  power.  A  few  illustrious  victims,  sac- 
rificed without  pity  or  scruple,  were  found  suffi- 
cient by  way  of  example  to  awe  the  crowd. 
Indifference  to  the  egregious  assumption  of  a 
minister  that  he  is  the  State,  or  bold  defiance  of 
such  arrogance  has  shut  up  many  a  man,  like 
Raleigh,  in  the  Tower,  or  sent  many  a  proud 
head  to  the  block.  In  our  own  day,  men,  some 
of  whom  have  never  heard  of  Harrington  or  read 
a  line  of  his  works,  ignorant  even  of  the  misdeeds 
of  former  days,  but  keenly  alive  to  the  weak- 
nesses of  human  nature,  have  maintained  for 
years  despotic  sway  by  simple  denunciation  of 
all  patriotic  efforts  at  reform  as  treason  and  re- 


INTRODUCTION.  Ill 

bellion.  "I  am  the  Party."  Such  is  the  imperial 
edict  of  the  party  boss,  "It  follows,  therefore, 
that  nothing  that  is  distasteful  or  dangerous  to 
me  can  be  tolerated.  Disorganizing  doctrines 
must  have  no  place  in  party  platforms,  political 
free  thought  must  be  stifled;  the  people  are  not 
entitled  to  representation  upon  party  tickets, 
and  can  have  no  hand  in  shaping  policies.  The 
man  who  prates  of  lofty  principles  is  a  lunatic: 
he  who  dreams  of  freedom  is  an  enthusiast: 
he  who  refuses  to  be  a  slave  is  an  outlaw:  he 
who  hates  corruption  and  denounces  it  is  a  sore- 
head. He  who  strikes  at  me  is  an  enemy  of  the 
people,  because  I  am  the  people.  The  man  who 
has  a  conscience  is  an  idiot — politics  must  be 
practical;  while  he  who  considers  the  science  of 
government  as  one  of  the  noblest  subjects  of 
human  speculation,  or  who  agrees  with  Arnold 
that  the  highest  earthly  desire  of  the  ripened 
mind  is  the  wish  to  take  part  in  the  great  work 
of  government  is  a  dangerous  aristocrat,  as  his 
studies  must  lead  him  to  distrust  me,"  This  is 
the  political  creed  of  a  modern  politician.  His 
sphere  may  be  large  or  small,  it  may  boldly  em- 
brace the  nation  or  a  state,  or  it  may  be  confined 
to  the  limits  of  a  ward  prccingt  in  a  town ;  it 


iv  I N  TKODTTCTIOW. 

matters  not,  within  these  bounds  he  aims  to  be 
supreme. 

Our  view  must  be  limited,  however,  to  the 
narrow  field  of  municipal  politics. 

At  the  close  of  our  great  civil  war,  when  a 
grateful  people  rewarded  with  their  confidence 
the  party  that  had  saved  the  Union  and  made 
free  the  slave,  the  unscrupulous  speculators  who 
dealt  in  local  politics  as  a  trade  and  who  grew 
fat  upon  the  spoils  of  office,  saw  and  seized  their 
opportunity.  While  great  men  were  debating 
high  questions  of  statesmanship,  they  slowly  but 
surely  were  forging  the  fetters  of  "The  Machine." 
With  infinite  tact  they  allied  themselves  to  pop- 
ular doctrines,  and  while  careful  to  preserve  the 
forms  were  industriously  destroying  the  sub- 
stance of  public  liberty.  They  cunningly  bound 
local  issues  to  national  interests,  and  thus  having 
confused  the  duties  that  a  citizen  owes  to  the 
Nation,  to  his  State  and  to  his  City  were  able  to 
turn  to  their  own  advantage  his  mental  bewilder- 
ment. So  inseparable  did  the  union  of  national 
and  municipal  interests  become  that  the  latter  were 
often  wholly  sacrificed,  and  good  men  stolidly 
voted  for  the  most  odious  and  unworthy  candi- 
dates upon  the  local  ticket,  rather  than  endanger 


INTRODUCTION.  V 

the  supremacy  of  the  party  in  national  affairs. 
This  popular  devotion  to  the  Union  was  made  a 
shield  of  protection  to  public  robbers.  The  as- 
sassins of  Liberty,  disguised  in  her  own  mantle, 
crept  close  to  her  heart  and  there  sheathed  their 
daggers.  The  patience  and  incredulity  of  the 
people  knew  no  bounds.  It  could  not  be  true 
that  the  party  of  high  moral  purposes,  of  rectitude 
and  progress,  the  chosen  guardian  of  human  des- 
tiny, could  ever  prove  false  to  its  high  trust. 
Thus  while  the  people  slept  an  enemy  came  and 
sowed  tares  among  the  wheat.  The  harvest  soon 
came — a  harvest  of  shame  and  dishonor.  Virtue, 
ability,  integrity  were  rarely  seen  in  public  life; 
rapacity,  cunning,  trickery,  fraud,  ignorance  and 
violence  supplanted  them;  men  of  character  were 
driven  away,  self-respecting  voters  remained  at 
home,  men  who  busied  themselves  with  public  af- 
fairs fell  under  the  ban  of  suspicion;  debts,  state 
and  municipal,  were  piled  mountain  high,  neces- 
sary public  works  were  neglected,  public  money 
was  squandered  or  stolen,  offices  were  sold  and 
the  spoils  divided,  new,  useless,  and  expensive 
offices  were  created,  salaries  were  enormously  in- 
creased, fees  became  extortionate;  even  the  courts 
of  justice  were  invaded,  the  jury  fixer  plied  his 
nefarious  trade,  while  crime  stalked  in  the  streets 


VI  rNTRODUCTION. 

defiant  anu  unrebuked.  Councilmanic  appropri- 
ations attracted  clouds  of  vultures  which  fed  on 
the  offals  of  contracts;  conspiracies  and  plots 
were  organized  to  plunder  the  State  Treasury, 
and  in  a  moment  of  reckless  daring  the  bribery 
of  the  Legislature  was  attempted.  Neither  sex, 
age,  nor  condition  provoked  the  pity  or  stayed 
the  hand  of  the  despoilers;  pauperism  was  strip- 
ped of  its  rags  to  clothe  the  shivering  dependents 
of  the  Ring,  and  the  copper  of  public  alms  was 
transmuted  by  the  alchemy  of  politics  into  gold 
for  political  lazars.  Taxes  grew  into  grievous  bur- 
dens, and  though  vast  sums  of  money  were  annu- 
ally collected  the  treasury  was  always  empty. 

Means  were  devised  to  perpetuate  this  system, 
the  results  of  which  were  so  profitable  to  the 
leaders,  under  the  pretence  of  maintaining  the 
boasted  party  supremacy.  The  cry  was  raised 
that  to  defeat  the  party  in  the  city  was  to  de- 
feat the  party  in  the  nation.  Party  organization 
was  carried  to  such  a  pitch  of  refinement  that, 
while  it  rendered  hopeless  all  efforts  at  reform 
within  the  party,  it  could  not  fail  to  excite  aston- 
ishment at  the  ingenuity  and  skill  of  the  archi- 
tects. In  short,  the  party  rules  consolidated  all 
power  in  the  hands  of  a  City  Committee,  an  ar- 
bitrary and  irresponsible  body  clothed  with  un- 


INTRODUCTION.  VU 

limited  authority.  Coercive  measures  were 
adopted  to  insure  success,  and  the  pohtical  dice 
were  loaded.  Conventions  were  packed,  dele- 
gates were  gagged,  election  returns  were  falsified, 
office-holders  were  mercilessly  assessed,  the  po- 
lice force  was  converted  into  a  Praetorian  guard; 
the  right  to  cast  a  ballot  as  conscience  dictated 
was  flatly  denied,  to  scratch  a  ticket  was  felony; 
Remonstrance,  argument,  persuasion,  entreaty, 
threats  were  all  in  vain.  Reform  was  jeered  at, 
sneered  at,  stormed  at,  and  denounced.  To  be 
a  Reformer  was  to  be  a  traitor  to  Republicanism. 
To  fight  for  honest  government  was  to  be  a  De- 
mocrat, a  sympathizer  with  disunion,  with  State- 
rights  and  civil  war.  This  was  enough.  The 
men  who  styled  themselves  the  party  well  knew 
that  good  men  would  not  oppose  them  for  fear 
of  having  their  loyalty  suspected.  Old  Harring- 
ton was  right. 

The  situation,  though  desperate,  was  not  hope- 
less. Slowly  did  the  people  awake  to  full  con- 
sciousness of  the  fact  that  the  men  whom  they 
had  trusted  had  betrayed  and  wronged  them, 
that  they  were  political  defaulters,  and  that  if  vi- 
gilance committees  were  not  soon  organized, 
there  would  be  nothing  left  of  public  liberty  or 


VIU  INTRODUCTION. 

virtue  but  tne  name.  Citizens'  and  Tax-Payers' 
Associations  were  formed  and  gradually  gained 
strength:  the  Municipal  Reform  Association  for 
eight  years  waged  heroic  but  almost  unavailing 
war.  Fraud  with  her  crooked  fingers  tampered 
with  returns  and  filched  the  fruits  of  victory. 
The  ardent  Henry  Armitt  Brown,  whose  spotless 
character  and  brilliant  eloquence  caused  men  to 
build  high  hopes,  fell  a  victim  to  his  excessive 
labors  in  the  field  of  exalted  patriotism.  The  skies 
darkened,  and  doubt  and  fear  again  fell  with  crush 
ing  weight  upon  the  hearts  of  all  lovers  of  pure 
and  free  government.  A  handful  of  brave  and 
good  men  continued  the  fight,  hoping  against 
hope  for  better  days. 

The  political  Renaissance,  however,  was  at 
hand.  The  perils  that  had  threatened  the  life  of 
the  nation  aroused  men  to  the  dangers  at  their 
own  doors.  A  gigantic  conspiracy  to  violate  the 
unwritten  law  of  the  Republic  by  the  novelty  of 
a  Third  Term  was  happily  defeated  at  Chicago. 
The  vicious  features  of  the  Unit  rule  were  dis- 
closed and  the  secrets  of  the  machine  laid  bare. 
Bossism  must  be  destroyed.  Bosses  had  been 
ignominiously  beaten  at  Chicago;  bosses  must 
be  driven,  like  the  Tarquin,  from  Philadelphia. 
The  hour  had  come  for  an  appeal  to  the  people, 


INTRODUCTION.  ix 

and  in  response  to  popular  demand  the  Citizens' 
Committee  of  One  Hundred  sprang  into  vigorous 
being.  The  secret  of  its  strength  and  its  success 
lay  in  its  sympathy  with  public  indignation,  its 
thorough  knowledge  of  public  wrongs  and  its 
intelligence  in  dealing  with  them.  Though  in 
strictness  a  self-constituted  body  there  was  noth- 
ing aristocratic  or  oligarchical  in  its  composition, 
for  reflecting  as  in  a  mirror  the  popular  thought, 
its  acts  were  in  harmony  with  the  wishes  of  the 
people,  and  were  solemnly  ratified  by  them  at  the 
polls.  The  history  of  its  services  to  the  com- 
munity is  the  subject  of  the  following  pages  and 
need  not  be  here  detailed.  One  by  one  were  the 
departments  of  municipal  government  wrung 
from  the  grasp  of  the  spoilsmen.  The  great 
principle  was  established  that  partisan  politics 
should  have  no  place  in  municipal  affairs.  Na- 
tional, state  and  municipal  politics  were  severed, 
and  each  was  assigned  to  its  proper  sphere. 
Faith  in  the  ability  of  the  people  to  govern  them- 
selves was  renewed  and  purified. 

Posterity  will  treat  with  respect  and  admiration 
a  body  of  men  who,  without  experience  or  pre- 
vious political  training,  abandoned  their  counting 
houses  and  offices  and  zealously  labored  by  day 
and  by  night  to  overthrow  one  of  the  most  pow- 


INTEODTrCTTON. 


erful  and  corrupt  political  rings  that  ever  dis- 
graced this  country.  They  have  not  wholly  es- 
caped from  errors  of  judgment,  nor  have  they 
been  entirely  free  from  human  frailties,  but  in  pur- 
ity and  unselfishness  of  purpose,  in  courage,  in 
determination,  in  intelligence  and  activity,  in  a 
generous  —  almost  improvident  —  devotion  of 
themselves,  their  time,  their  money,  and  their 
strength  to  the  public  good  they  will  compare 
favorably  with  many  bodies  now  historic  and 
destined  to  live  in  the  grateful  recollection  of 
mankind.  Institutions  such  as  ours  can  fail  only 
when  such  men  no  longer  exist  to  defend  them. 
In  the  quiet  contemplation  of  their  own  good 
works,  and  of  their  dearly-bought  success,  they 
have  their  rich  reward.  Sustained  by  the  right- 
eousness of  their  cause,  and  by  thousands  of 
good  people  at  the  polls,  they  have  saved  Phila- 
delphia from  the  fate  of  Actaeon,  who  was  de- 
voured by  his  own  dogs.         -,__. 

Hampton  L.  Carson. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM; 

OK    THE 

REFORM  MOVEMENT  IN  PHILADELPHIA 
AND  PENNSYLVANIA. 


CHAPTER  I. 


A  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  BOSSES. 

The  year  1880  will  be  memorable  in  Philadelphia's 
political  history.  It  found  public  affairs  in  their  worst 
stage  of  mismanagement,  extravagance  and  corruption. 
The  public  departments,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  were 
the  centres  of  all  that  was  dishonest,  vicious  and  demor- 
alizing in  public  life.  Political  dictators,  working  to- 
gether with  the  smoothness  and  system  of  a  skil- 
fully constructed  machine  held  within  their  grasp  the 
secret  of  manipulating  elections,  and  everything  ordered 
by  their  imperious  will  was  swiftly  executed.  Public 
service,  where  fitness  for  the  discharge  of  appointed 
duties  should  prevail,  was  degraded  to  the  level  of  an 
auction  shop  where  the  largest  consideration  that  could 
be  advanced  to  comport  with  the  personal  interests  of  the 
political  autocrats  was  the  price  at  which  all  appoint- 
ments, whether  of   subordinate    officials  or  executive 


4  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

heads,  were  made.  William  S.  Stokley  was  Mayor,  and 
twelve  hundred  dependents  in  the  form  of  police  were 
powerful  agents  in  enforcing  in  the  various  wards  and 
precincts  the  will  of  the  petty  rulers  of  the  city,  in  the 
matter  of  elections.  Behind  Mayor  Stokley  in  various 
degrees  of  illiteracy  and  with  an  incapacity  for  nothing 
so  much  as  government  in  its  legitimate  sense,  stood  his 
political  masters.  To  say  that  he  faithfully  executed 
their  bidding  is  to  give  him  credit  for  steadfastly  observ- 
ing a  custom  which  through  long  experience  under  their 
insolent  domination  had  come  to  be  an  unwritten  law 
among  city  officers.  It  was  the  price  for  which  they 
elevated  men  to  public  position,  and  for  any  officer  thus 
dependent  upon  their  favor  to  refuse  to  perform  their 
commands,  was  for  him  to  invite  political  death. 

Of  the  group  of  political  satraps  who  had  thus  assumed 
the  reins  of  city  government  there  was  one  who,  for  hia 
boldness,  his  defiance  of  the  public  will  and  his  assump- 
tion of  an  authority  which  even  the  prerogative  of  the 
sceptred  head  of  a  monarchy  might  have  failed  to  yield, 
stood  above  all  others  conspicuous.  Over  Mayor  Stokley 
and  the  chiefs  and  subordinates  of  City  Departments, 
James  McManes  held  sway  as  an  imperious  and  exacting 
taskmaster.  Artful  in  politics  as  a  Machiavelli  his  name 
was  synonymous  with  all  that  an  autocratic  and  un- 
scrupulous control  of  political  machinery  and  methods 
could  imply.  His  hand  so  active  in  secret  manipulation 
and  scheming,  was  seldom  seen  but  his  power  was  felt  in 
all  departments  of  the  city  government,  in  the  City 
Councils,  and  even  in  the  Legislature  of  the  State.  En- 
trenched in  a  political  position  which  he  had  converted 
into  a  veritable  fortress  for  purposes  offensive  and  de- 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  O 

fensive,  he  had  gathered  about  him  as  his  aids  and  lieu- 
tenants men  who  were  apt  and  skillful  in  executing  his 
orders  and  prompt  in  sharing  his  spoils.  Thus,  to  the  hands 
of  men  emerging  from  the  obscurity  of  taxgatherers, 
public  messengers  and  miscellaneous  trades,  was  the 
control  of  the  destinies  of  the  city  confined.  To  enter 
public  service,  whether  as  a  Councilman,  a  member  of 
the  Legislature,  or  as  an  officer  of  a  public  department, 
was  to  first  give  satisfactory  proof  of  allegiance  to  these 
men,  to  their  claims  and  methods  with  no  reference  what- 
ever to  personal  scruples  or  to  convictions  of  personal 
duty.  The  ease  with  which  these  combined  spoilsmen 
made  and  unmade  public  officers  could  find  no  com- 
parison that  would  better  illustrate  their  power  than  to 
say  that  the  process  was  performed  with  the  facility 
of  a  simple  wave  of  the  hand.  Under  their  rule, 
although  elections  still  went  on  with  their  accustomed 
regularity,  and  it  was  pleasant  to  believe  that 
therein  the  supreme  right  of  citizenship  still  had 
force,  every  material  outcome  of  such  elections  was 
in  the  interest  of  the  self-constituted  dictators  and 
against  the  interests  of  the  people.  To  the  cause  of 
the  former,  Mayor  Stokley  with  his  twelve  hundred 
police  officers  was  a  powerful  auxiliary.  A  Republican 
himself,  he  enjoyed  a  thorough  understanding  with 
James  McManes  who,  with  his  associates  carried  on  his 
practice  of  spoils-gathering  through  his  professed  de- 
votion to  the  principles  of  that  party.  Yet  with  the 
people  Mayor  Stokley  possessed  some  popularity.  Before 
his  elevation  to  the  office  of  Mayor  he  had  in  the  City 
Councils  displayed  considerable  ability,  championing  the 
interests  of  the  people  in  some  things  which  required  no 


6  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

little  courage  and  foresight.  As  Mayor  of  the  city,  how- 
ever, there  was  one  practice  which  aroused  much  public 
discontent.  The  use  he  made  of  the  police  in  elections, 
met  with  almost  universal  condemnation.  It  was  one 
of  the  most  potent  agencies  depended  upon  by  James 
McManes  and  his  political  co-partners  to  secure  their 
triumphs  at  the  polls.  That  neither  regard  for  the  rights 
of  men  nor  for  existing  laws  were  allowed  to  stand  in  the 
way  of  these  political  schemers  where  the  object  sought 
was  the  control  of  public  affairs,  the  case  of  William 
Conway  well  illustrates.  He  was  a  resident  of  the  Fiftli 
Ward,  by  occupation  a  merchant,  in  politics  a  Democrat, 
but  so  free  from  partisanship  and  self-interest  in  his  ad- 
vocacy of  public  measures,  particularly  in  the  matter  of 
public  education,  that  he  was  greatly  respected  alike  by 
Republican  and  Democrat.  In  the  canvass  preceding 
the  Municipal  election  of  February  1880,  Mr.  Conway, 
yielding  to  the  solicitations  of  citizens  of  both  parties, 
became  the  Taxpayer's  Candidate  for  a  seat  in  Common 
Council.  Opposed  to  him  was  the  candidate  of  the 
McManes  clique,  John  Carpenter  by  name,  a  man  of 
untried  character,  with  no  claim  on  the  favor  or  tho 
consideration  of  the  people.  On  the  day  of  election  Can- 
didate Conway  going  to  one  of  the  precinct  polling 
places  saw,  under  the  eyes  of  the  police,  a  professional 
repeater  in  the  act  of  casting  fraudulent  votes.  Turning 
to  the  officers  he  requested  them  to  take  the  offender  in 
charge.  What  was  his  surprise  to  find  himself  roughly 
seized  and,  amid  a  flourish  of  hostile  maces  and  a  clamor 
of  threatening  tongues,  hustled  into  the  street  and  com- 
manded to  take  himself  away  under  pain  of  arrest  and 
imprisonment.     Smarting  under  the  indignity,  he  repairs 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  7 

to  headquarters  and  reports  the  affair  to  Mayor  Stokley, 
the  gray  hairs  of  sixty-odd  years  being  a  successful 
passport  through  the  gauntlet  of  politicians — for  it  is  a 
great  day  at  the  Mayor's  office — to  the  official  presence. 

Upon  the  Mayor's  ears  the  story  falls  lightly ;  is  even 
received  offensively.  "Would  not  your  party  do  the 
same  thing  if  they  had  the  power?"  he  asks  with 
elevated  brows.  Strange  words  to  the  ears  of  one  who 
has  come  as  a  citizen  to  claim  the  protection  of  his  Chief 
Magistrate.  Amazed  is  Candidate  Conway.  Is  this  the 
Mayor  of  Philadelphia  who  is  speaking  and  shall  he,  a 
citizen  of  Philadelphia,  standing  within  shadow  of  the 
towered  Cradle  of  Liberty,  upholding  still  that  ancient 
bell,  whose  voice,  world-wide  in  its  life-like  thrill, 
rang  out  in  the  hour  of  dead  midnight,  year  1782, 
news  of  the  young  Nation's  glory  at  Yorktown,  and 
whose  tones  yet  reverberate  through  the  generations, 
appeal  to  him,  not  for  discriminating  favor,  but  for 
simple  justice  only,  to  be  slighted  and  affronted?  Wil- 
liam Conway  turns  away  disenchanted.  A  word  of 
warning  will  he  give  as  he  departs.  He  reminds  this 
man  of  power  that  it  is  no  light  thing  for  him,  the 
head'  of  the  Police  Department,  to  justify  such  out- 
rages ;  that  the  patience  of  the  people  may  become  ex- 
hausted. Furthermore  does  Candidate  Conway,  in  mild 
language,  yet  not  less  impressive,  predict  that  the  Mayor's 
indifference  to  his  plea  in  this  instance  shall  cost  him  his 
re-election.  Which  prediction  he  leaves  the  Mayor  to 
ponder  over,  there  being  yet  plenty  of  time  for  such 
mental  occupation  the  Mayor's  present  term  continuing 
yet  another  year. 

The  result  of  this  election  in    the  Fifth  Ward,  in 


6  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

"William  Conway's  case,  remains  on  the  Court  records,  a 
glaring  instance  of  the  high-handed  methods  employed 
by  infamous  craft  to  thwart  the  people's  will  and  defraud 
men  of  their  rights.  Of  the  large  vote  cast — more  than 
twenty  per  cent,  fraudulent,  thanks  to  the  Mayor's  par- 
tisan use  of  the  police — John  Carpenter  was  returned 
elected  by  a  majority  of  less  than  one  hundred,  and  was 
in  due  time  sworn  in  as  a  member  of  Councils.  William 
Conway,  however,  disputed  the  legality  of  his  election, 
caused  an  investigation  to  be  instituted  under  direction 
of  the  court,  and  after  a  contest  protracted  for  nearly 
eighteen  months,  established  his  right  to  the  seat,  prov- 
ing, by  the  testimony  of  voters  themselves,  the  casting  of 
a  large  number  of  votes  in  his  favor  which,  through  a 
conspiracy  between  certain  of  the  precinct  election  offi- 
cers and  tools  of  McManesism  were  not  credited  to  him 
in  the  returns.  To  say  that  the  political  corporation, 
with  all  its  power,  was  defeated  for  once — although  with 
reservation,  considering  that  during  half  the  council- 
manic  term  the  seat  of  the  rightful  occupant  was  re- 
tained by  a  political  adventurer — is  to  acknowledge  the 
important  service  rendered  to  the  cause  of  good  govern- 
ment by  William  Conway,  who  made  his  battle  against 
intolerable  presumption  and  despotism,  not  for  his  own 
particularly  but  for  all  men's  rights.  To  those  who  would 
inform  themselves  of  the  condition  of  the  city  with 
reference  to  its  political  affairs  at  this  time  the  printed 
record  of  the  testimony  in  the  case  of  Conway  versus 
Carpenter,  with  its  several  thousand  folio  pages,  is  in 
itself  a  vivid  history.  If  conspiracies  within  con- 
spiracies, and  plots  and  schemes,  having  for  their  sole 
object  the  defeat  of  the  people's   choice  in  elections) 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 


ever  had  place  among  the  political  marplots  of  a  com- 
munity, they  had  there,  where  wrong-doir.g  ran  without 
license  and  criminal  disregard  of  law  and  everything 
else  calculated  to  act  as  checks  upon  lawlessness  were 
conspicuous  in  the  acts  of  those  representing  the  political 
group  familiarly  calling  itself  "  the  party." 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  CRY   OF  DEMAGOGUEa. 


But  to  this  partisan  use  of  the  police, — that  it  must 
either  come  to  an  end,  or  be  kept  up  until  the  pleasant 
fiction  of  "  people's  rights"  at  the  polls  shall  cease  to  be 
a  pleasant  fiction,  and  become  rather  an  unpleasant  one, 
must  be  lo  all  persons  obvious.  Friend  Stokley  can  do 
nothing  to  abate  the  trouble,  lest  his  good  friend  Mc- 
Manes  shall  put  an  end  to  his  official  life  and  as  the 
Mayor  is  looking  forward  to  a  fourth  term,  it  is  not  the 
time  to  put  friend  McManes  in  a  bad  humor.  But  the 
people  meantime  suffer.  This  they  are  likely  to  do  for 
some  time  to  come,  since  the  Mayor  has  yet  another  year 
in  office,  and  to  keep  in  favor  with  the  political  autocrats, 
it  will  be  necessary  for  the  police  to  keep  up  the  business 
of  beating,  kicking,  cuffing,  dragging  and  maltreating 
citizens,  especially  if  they  raise  their  voice,  above  a 
whisper  on  election  day  against  wrong-doing  and  cor- 
ruption. 

The  boldness  with  which  the  police  perform  this  busi- 
ness, is  surprising ;  even  astonishing  beyond  belief.     If 


10  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

William  Conway's  gray  liairs  and  seventy-odd  years  were 
not  protection  enough  for  him,  what  chance  does  the 
voter  stand  whose  hair  is  not  yet  gray  and  whose  years 
are  under  seventy  ?  If  the  punishment  is  increased  by 
inverse  ratio  must  not  the  glossy  raven  locks  of  thirty- 
five  stand  a  chance  of  being  killed  outright?  So  much 
more  then  will  be  the  inducement  for  men  to  vote  the 
ticket  of  the  city's  political  rulers,  and  learn  to  control 
their  tongues. 

But,  stop  I  there  is  still  another  mode  of  escape;  why 
need  a  man  expose  himself  to  the  clutches  of  the  police? 
Why  need  he  go  to  the  polls  at  all?  To  be  abused  and 
treated  like  a  ruffian,  haled  along  the  street  like  a  com- 
mon thief  caught  in  the  act  of  picking  a  pocket  is  not 
pleasant  for  peaceably  disposed  men  who  pride  themselves 
on  their  character  and  their  exemption  from  police  and 
lock-up  experiences.  To  be  assaulted  by  policemen  for 
committing  the  crime  of  putting  into  the  ballot-box  a 
ticket  not  favorable  to  the  interests  of  their  bosses  is  bad 
enough ;  to  be  unable  to  get  any  redress  is  worse.  Best 
stay  away  from  tho  polls  ;  the  police  will  not  take  the 
trouble  to  hunt  a  man  up  and  abuse  him  for  simply  think- 
ing against  the  cause  of  their  bosses. 

Thus  reasoning,  many  persons  who  love  peace  and 
quiet  as  things  more  profitable  than  noise  and  fighting 
j-eason  themselves  out  of  the  notion  of  going  to  the 
polls ;  which  fact  causes  McManesism  to  grin  and  rub 
its  chin  significantly.  Clearly  the  policy  of  intimidation 
pays.  Our  foes  surrender  without  striking  a  blow; 
and  the  glory  of  the  victory  shall  belong  to  the  swollen- 
eyed  criminal  and  brawler  who  guards  the  polls,  the 
fruits  of  the  victory  to  the  party  managers.     Of  which 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  11 

fact  let  the  reader  take  note.  This  man  with  the 
scarified  countenance,  the  swollen  face  and  bleared  eyes, 
who  swaggers  and  jostles  the  voter  who  votes  not  his 
ticket,  is,  for  the  time  being,  an  important  personage. 
Last  night  he  slept  in  a  place  of  circumscribed  dimen- 
sions; his  supper  reaching  him  not  even  on  the  most 
ordinary  crockery,  but  on  tin,  through  a  narrow  aperture 
to  the  tune  of  a  gruff-voiced  turnkey.  To-day  he  struts 
defiantly  before  the  eyes  of  Respectability,  and  questions 
its  right  to  vote  save  in  the  way  he  wishes.  To-night 
he  shall  receive  his  reward  which  shall  be  proportioned 
to  the  degree  of  violence  and  rascality  he  has  practiced 
during  the  day,  the  more  effectively  the  exercise  of  his 
criminal  propensities  on  such  occasion  the  more  val- 
uable his  peculiar  services.  Moreover  shall  the 
easily  acquired  wealth  of  politicians  serve  to  screen 
him  from  constables's  warrants  and  the  law's  con- 
sequences. Such  able  adjunct  do  we  see  rendering 
aid  to  a  partisan  police,  the  combined  efforts  of  both 
against  men^s  civil  rights  being  calculated  to  render 
such  things  as  law  and  order  in  elections  somewhat 
unpopular. 

Yet  after  all  there  is  something  about  the  position  of 
the  police  that  is  pitiful.  They  would  gladly  do  their 
duty,  no  doubt,  which  is  not  to  meddle  with  elections,  but 
to  clap  wrongdoers  into  dungeons  and  combat  with  mace 
and  bludgeon  the  effervescence  of  whisky,  if  their  politi- 
cal taskmasters  would  permit  them.  But  they  have  their 
orders,  and  the  hungry  mouths  of  wives  and  little  ones 
demand  that  they  shall  obey.  Look  I  hear  the  statement 
of  one  of  many  of  their  number,  who,  being  discharged 
with  his  fellows  for  not  taking  part  in  politics,  a  little 


12  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

over  a  year  later — when  Mayor  Stokley  was  running 
again  for  that  fourth  term  and  had  arrayed  against  him 
the  newly  organized  but  formidable  Committee  of  One 
Hundred,  and  needed  all  the  help  he  could  get,  and  more, 
too,  as  the  result  proved — held  a  "discharged  police- 
men's" meeting  up  in  old  Kensington  and  invited  news- 
paper men  to  attend  and  report  their  speeches — wherein 
they  stood  upon  an  equality  with  King  McManes — of 
which  The  Times  next  morning,  date  January  15th,  1881, 
gave  this  account : 

"  One  of  the  organizers  of  the  affair,  when  questioned 
about  the  object  of  the  movement,  said  it  was  political, 
but  neither  in  the  interest  of  Keim,*  nor  any  other  man 
in  particular,  but  for  anybody  to  beat  Stokley,  and  that  it 
had  attained  formidable  proportions  all  over  town.  To 
give  an  idea  of  it,  he  said,  there  have  been  over  3,500 
men  discharged  for  one  cause  or  another  since  Mayor 
Stokley  first  went  into  oiEce,  the  vast  majority  of  whom 
went  off  for  trying  to  keep  a  little  political  independence. 
When  Stokley  ran  the  last  time  against  Caven,  we  were 
assessed  $25  apiece  and  thought  that  was  all,  but  it 
wasn't  very  long  before  we  were  compelled  to  pay  $10 
more.     That  was  $35  altogether." 

Mulcted  out  of  thirty-five  dollars  pay  to  help  elect  the 
Mayor  again,  in  addition  to  being  robbed  of  their  politi- 
cal independence  I  Well,  William  Conway  might  for- 
give and  forget  so  far  as  the  police  are  concerned,  if  he 
knew  all  and  saw  things  in  their  right  light.  But  who 
is  to  rescue  the  police  from  this  cruel  species  of  thrall- 
dom  in  which  they  are  held  ?    It  is  unlikely  that  a  ray 

*  A  Republican  opponent  who,  however,  failed  to  get  tho  noiamation 
and  ultimately  withdrew  from  tha  contest. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  13 

of  magnanimity  will  fall  upon  Mr,  McManes  and  prompt 
him  to  be  easy  with  Mayor  Stokley  and  allow  that  offi- 
cial also  to  be  magnanimous.  It  is  still  less  likely  that 
Mayor  Stokley  will  take  things  into  his  own  hands,  and 
be  magnanimous  of  his  own  accord.  From  the  people 
the  only  help  can  come.     And  will  it  come?     Wait  I 

A  sadder  sight  than  that  even  is  pictured  by  Mr.  John 
Field,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred's 
Campaign  Committee,  as  he  tells  his  committee  in  meet- 
ing, nine  months  later,  how  the  employes  of  the  Gas 
Trust  out  at  Fairmount  were  roused  from  their  beds  by 
heartless  bosses,  early  in  the  morning  of  election  day,  in 
November  '81,  and  driven  like  sheep  to  the  polls  and 
commanded  to  cast  ballot-s  which  were  put  into  their 
hands.  And  ]\Ir.  Field,  as  he  tells  about  it,  warms  up 
and  with  wonderful  eloquence,  spontaneous  from  hia 
earnest  nature,  saya  in  words  not  to  be  forgotten  by  any 
one  who  heard  him,  that  his  heart  bled  for  those  men 
and  that  being  enlisted  in  the  cause  of  reform,  he  will 
work  night  and  day,  sacrifice  his  rest,  his  time,  hia 
money,  if  need  be,  until  they  are  emancipated  from  a 
political  thralldom  worse  than  slavery. 

Meantime,  in  other  quarters  there  is  mischief.  The 
city's  debt  is  more  than  seventy  million  dollars  and  has 
been  increasing  at  an  alarming  rate.  Hordes  of  men  are 
employed  in  the  various  departments  who  are  unneces- 
sary, being  useful  only  as  a  sort  of  hot-house  product 
which  will  ripen  and  be  ready  to  be  served  up  about 
election  time  when  votes  are  needed.  In  the  Gas  De- 
partment, where  Chief  McManes  in  an  official  position 
by  virtue  of  the  discerning  powers  of  an  accommodating 
and  obliging  city  Councils,  can  more  particularly  see  to 


14  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

the  quality  of  the  voting  stock,  there  is  a  mighty  army 
ol  employes,  the  exact  number  of  which  is  not  known, 
because  Mr.  McManes  keeps  under  lock  and  key  his  pay 
rolls,  and  Councils,  which  is  the  only  power  that  can 
rightfully  command  him  to  produce  them,  does  not  do  so 
for  the  reason  that  he  has  kindly  taken  it  into  his  hands 
to  elect  his  own  Councils,  and  has  succeeded  so  well  that 
they  never  ask  him  troublesome  questions. 

This  swarming  of  human  voting  stock  in  the  public 
departments,  equal  in  magnitude  and  disaster  almost  to 
the  swarms  of  locusts  that  plagued  the  life  of  Pharaoh,  is 
a  fearful  disturber  of  the  public  exchequer,  causing  it  to 
collapse  and  look  thin  and  thinner.  More  than  this,  it 
is  a  tax  upon  the  morals  of  the  community,  and  especially 
is  it  bad  for  that  sentiment  which  hangs  about  the  sancti- 
ty of  the  ballot.  If  these  legions  of  public  pensioners 
do  their  duty,  as  they  have  been  bidden,  they  will  long 
before  election  day  have  planned  systematic  ways  of 
repeating,  stuffing  the  ballot-box,  changing  the  returns, 
personating  voters,  preventing  voters  from  casting  their 
ballots,  and  doing  many  other  things  which  seem  strange 
in  a  place  where  the  ballot  is  supposed  to  be  free  and 
pure.  They  will  have  arranged  methodically,  with  the 
aid  of  skilled  and  experienced  heads  above  them,  to 
defeat  the  people's  will,  to  throw  out  thousands  of  genu- 
ine votes  and  put  in  their  place  tens  of  thousands  of 
spurious  ones.  They  will  execute  their  plans  as  formed, 
and  all  the  effects  of  continued  corruption,  extravagance 
and  greed,  which  are  piling  so  high  the  city's  debt,  will 
continue. 

But  there  is  a  law  against  violating  the  purity  of  the 
ballot !     How  strange  that  in  this  statement  there  should 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  15 

lie  the  least  cause  for  fear.  As  for  the  law,  the  political 
rulers  have  taken  care  that  the  road  to  its  execution  in 
such  cases  shall  be  well  blocked.  They  have  not  done 
their  work  slipshod.  As  for  lawyers,  let  their  underlings 
be  arrested  for  repeating,  or  for  any  other  grade  of  elec- 
tion crime,  there  will  be  no  lack  of  able  counsel  to  take 
charge  of  their  case.  The  funds  come  from, — well,  no 
matter  where.  If  the  worst  comes  to  the  worst,  and  it  is 
healthy  for  some  one  or  more  of  the  accused  persons  to 
flee  the  city  and  State,  his  expenses  will  be  paid,  and  he 
will  be  provided  with  a  place  elsewhere.  It  is  all  done 
"  for  the  good  of  the  party." 

Poor  party  I  If  ever  word  was  misused  and  abused 
that  one  is,  being  contracted  on  special  and  particular 
occasions  to  the  dimensions  of  half  a  dozen  crafty  and 
ambitious  politicians  who,  through  the  brains  and  fiery 
rhetoric  of  hireling  advocates,  make  more  noise  on  the 
score  of  that  meek,  overburdened  term  than  could  be 
stirred  up  by  the  whole  world  together,  in  the  face  of  the 
threatened  destruction  by  some  awful  human  mischance 
of  this  terrestial  planet. 


CHAPTER  III. 

FLASHES  OF  REFORM  THROUGH   DARKNESS. 

In  the  City  Councils  these  days  there  is  room  for  culti- 
vating a  feeling  of  respect  for  old-fashioned  maxims  on 
the  excellence  of  honesty.  New  things  have  come  into 
vogue  with  wonderful  spontaneity,  and  the  conduct  of 
public  affairs  is  tinctured  with  a  spirit  of  loudness  which 
is  not  in  accordance  with  the  ideas  of  a  strict  and  me- 
thodical application  of  ofBcial  faculties  to  the  concerns 
of  public  business.  Yet  the  loudness  is  only  with  respect 
to  immaterial,  or  surface  things ;  beyond  official  manner- 
isms, in  the  recesses  of  official  transactions  nothing  can 
be  more  suppressed,  nothing  more  quiet  even  to  the  point 
of  being  suspiciously  quiet.  Officialism  at  its  desk  is 
different  from  officialism  in  boon  companionship  on  the 
street  or  in  the  club-room.  In  the  latter  respects  it  is  in 
its  most  conciliatory  and  generous  disposition  and  dis- 
plays qualities  of  exuberance  and  effervescence  which 
uncharitable  critics  would  call  gush,  and  furthermore  ex- 
hibits a  tendency  for  drawing  out  with  considerable 
flourish  and  parade,  rolls  of  greenbacks  from  every 
pocket,  as  if  hastily  thrust  in  at  random  and  expending 
them  with  promiscuous  liberality  suggestive  of  the  ease 
with  which  they  were  obtained.  Yet  the  dash  and  eclat 
of  such  festive  occasions  wholly  disappears  when  seated 
at  its  desk  with  endless  streams  of  public  tribute-bearers 
thronging  its  apartments,  on  which  occasion  nothing  but 
non-committal  sternness   will  serve  as  a  substitute  for 

16 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  17 

Strict  rectitude  and  spotless  integrity,  and  to  ward  off 
curious  questions  and  prying  insinuations.  Likewise  has 
officialism  a  fondness  for  shining  silk  hats  and  heavy 
jewelry  whereby  those  of  its  guild  may  be  distinguished 
apart  from  other  citizens  anywhere  save  as  regards  one 
particular  class  known  as  gamblers  who  not  infrequently 
are  confounded  with  them,  not  any  more  by  reason  of 
similarity  of  personal  appearance  than  by  reason  of  a 
certain  resemblance  as  to  loudness  in  the  display  of 
money  and  a  recklessness  in  spending  it. 

Yet  of  the  many  evidences  of  heavy  incomes  in  lucre 
-which  a  life  in  politics  seems  to  yield,  this  is  but  one  and 
among  the  least.  Others  are  seen  in  various  forms,  and 
in  larger  ways.  They  are  seen  in  the  driving  by  our 
dashing  politician  of  fast  horses,  accompanied  by  trap- 
pings that  would  do  honor  to  the  establishment  of  an 
Oriental  prince;  in  the  sudden  change  of  circumstances 
from  a  life  in  a  dingy  tenement  in  an  alley  to  brown 
stone  or  marble  mansions  on  Spring  Garden  street  or 
Green  street,  or  some  other  equally  pleasant  thorough- 
fare, and  in  the  rapid  elevation  of  the  subject  from  his 
former  unknown  position  in  society  to  the  dignity  of 
partner  in  a  large  and  flourishing  business  establishment, 
or  stockholder  in  or  president  of  some  large  corporation. 
The  rapidity  with  which  the  change  in  his  worldly  con- 
dition takes  place  is  among  not  the  least  of  the  things 
which  make  men  marvel.  A  period  of  six  or  seven  years  as 
Receiver  of  Taxes  or  City  Treasurer,  it  has  been  demon- 
Btrated,  is  sufficient  to  elevate  a  man  from  a  condition  of 
poverty  in  an  humble  dwelling  owned  by  somebody  else, 
to  a  state  of  affluence  on  a  fashionable  street  in  an  im- 
posing establishment  owned  by  himself. 


18  THE  FALL  OF   BOSSISM. 

To  all  of  this  public  interest  opens  its  eyes  wide  with 
wonder.  Sometimes  becoming  very  suspicious  and  being 
possessed  of  the  idea  that  large  embezzlements  of  public 
funds  have  taken  place,  it  gets  together  through  a  few  of 
its  representatives  and  forms  an  association  which  asso- 
ciation goes  to  work  investigating  and  does  unearth  some 
enormous  frauds  which  in  itself  is  one  thing  and  to  con- 
vict the  parties  guilty  of  the  offense  another ;  for  the 
statute  of  limitations  too  often  conveniently  steps  in  and 
saves  the  culprit,  or  if  it  serves  not  as  a  protector  there  is 
generally  another  safe  reliance  in  a  system  of  falsifying 
accounts  and  mixing  up  figures  to  such  an  extent  that 
no  investigating  committee  or  investigating  expert  can 
ever  hope  to  reach  the  truth,  and  public  interest  losing 
patience  in  the  matter  drops  it  summarily,  leaving  the 
plunderer  to  enjoy  his  ill-gotten  gains  unmolested. 

But  sometimes  these  investigations  have  another  effect. 
If  plundering  oflScials  cannot  be  brought  to  justice  their 
profligacy  may  be  checked  and  the  treasury  protected 
from  their  wholesale  raids.  Such  work  did  the  Citizens' 
Reform  Association  accomplish,  with  Henry  C.  Lea  as  its 
President,  in  the  matter  of  a  public  work,  known  as  the 
Hart  Creek  sewer  contract,  executed  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  Department  of  the  City  Engineer,  on  which 
occasion  citizen  Henry  B.  Tatham,  of  that  association, 
was  detailed  to  ascertain  by  the  aid  of  experts  the  actual 
cost  of  performing  the  work  and  executed  his  mission  so 
well  that  more  than  twenty  thousand  dollars  of  the  city 
funds  were  saved  in  a  single  instance  which  act  stands 
among  the  rare  and  notable  accomplishments  of  the  early 
efforts  of  citizens  to  secure  reform.* 

*  See  Appendix. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  19 

Meantime  while  Officialism  and  its  extensive  family  of 
politicians  revel  in  luxury  the  interests  of  the  city  are 
languishing  in  the  opposite  extreme.  The  debt  is  rapid- 
ly increasing  ;  large  improvements  are  projected  and  be- 
gun with  money  appropriated  for  the  purpose  by  a  pro- 
fligate Councils,  when  there  is  not  money  enough  left  in 
the  treasury  to  pay  for  cleaning  the  streets  which  are  in  a 
condition  that  scandalizes  sober-minded  citizens  and  ap- 
pals strangers.  And  thus  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  other- 
wise the  "  City  of  Homes"  and  "  clean  Quaker  City," 
comes  to  be  known  all  over  the  land  under  the  new  dis- 
pensation, as  the  "City  of  Dirf'f  which  contrast  in  titles 
bears  a  striking  analogy  to  the  change  of  standard  in  its 
administrative  heads  during  twenty  years  and  illustrates 
strikingly  the  extremes  of  the  transition  in  that  respect. 

The  City  Councils  upon  which  all  official  responsibility 
for  the  evils  which  obtain  in  city  affairs  at  this  time  is 
placed,  appear  not  to  shirk  the  seemirgly  unpleasant 
burden,  but  rather  to  enjoy  it  as  a  capital  joke.  The  ma- 
terial of  which  the  Councils  are  mainly  composed  is  not 
the  sort  of  stuff"  that  permits  responsibilities  of  any  kind 
to  weigh  heavy  upon  it ;  being  exceedingly  indifferent  to 
public  comment  or  public  opinion,  and  naturally  in- 
diff*erent  to  any  promptings  of  its  own  moral  nature  that 
do  not  largely  partake  of  the  consideration  of  self.  The 
example  of  James  McManes  and  his  fellow  dictators  in 

t  Mr.  John  Walter,  proprietor  of  the  London  Times,  while  making  a 
tour  of  the  country  in  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  of  1831  visited  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  spent  several  days  as  the  guest  of  Mr  George  W" 
Childs,  of  the  Public  Ledger.  Being  pressed  on  one  occasion  for  his 
views  upon  Philadelphia  he,  after  some  hesitation,  said  in  allusion  to  the 
unfinished  public  buildings:  "  You  are  rearing  here  one  of  the  grandest 
structures  in  the  world  and  its  walls  look  down  upon  the  dirtiest  streets 
that  the  sun  ever  shone  upon." 


20  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

looking  after  self-interest  finds  here  a  large  amount  of 
emulation,  the  competitors  being  exceedingly  active  and 
promising.  It  is  not,  however,  by  any  means  a  gratuit- 
ous performance,  but  has  motives  and  objects  as  tangible 
and  well  defined  as  anything  that  appeals  to  the  eye  of 
business,  for  which  state  of  things  Mr,  McManes  and  hia 
Gas  Trust  colleagues  are  in  Bossism's  carnivals  frequent- 
ly toasted  as  "  skillful  and  successful  party  leaders"  who 
"  know  how  to  take  care  of  their  friends." 

The  Councils,  which,  like  the  national  Congress,  Or  the 
Legislatures  of  States,  have  also  their  upper  and  lower 
house,  are  de  jure  in  city  aflairs  supreme.  But  as  there 
can  be  no  Councils  without  councilmen,  and  as  council- 
men  are  only  men  with  common  desires  and  common 
weaknesses,  the  critic  of  councilmanic  performances  will 
use  some  charity  when  he  comes  to  record  that  during 
these  times  the  supremacy  of  Councils  was  somewhat  of  a 
fiction  so  far  as  actual  facts  are  concerned,  its  prerogative 
being  for  most  of  the  time  either  "farmed  out"  or  "to  let." 
The  landlord  who  at  all  times  appeared  to  have  the  re- 
fusal of  the  property  was  James  McManes,  though  to  say 
that  he  enjoyed  the  distinction  exclusively  would  be  un- 
just to  his  aids  and  lieutenants,  each  one  of  whom  was 
represented  by  "  men"  in  the  Select  or  Common  cham- 
ber, which  men  had  a  nice  faculty  of  dancing  readily 
when  their  masters  piped. 

But  there  were  circumstances  under  which  discord 
sometimes  arose  to  disturb  the  otherwise  soft  music.  An 
inharmonious  spirit  will  oftentimes  break  up  the  club. 
Common  Councils  with  its  83  members  has  three  such 
spirits,  and  Select  Council  with  its  31  members  has  one. 
Worse  still,  one  of  these  three  in  the  Common  Chamber 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  21 

occupies  the  position  of  President  and  is  besides,  with  one 
exception,  the  oldest  member  in  continuous  service  in  the 
chamber.  A  household  word  in  every  home  where  there 
is  a  taxpayer  is  the  name  of  President  Caven.  Alone 
has  he  stood,  and  almost  single-handed  has  he  fought,  in 
that  chamber  for  the  past  seven  years  in  the  cause  of 
right,  with  only  such  encouragement  as  "  Citizen's  and 
Taxpayer's  Association,"  in  his  own  Fifteenth  Ward, 
headed  by  veteran  Eeform  leader  and  advocate,  Coun- 
sellor George  H.  Earle,  have  been  able  in  stirring  ward 
meetings  and  resolutions  of  confidence,  to  give;  or  as 
similar  associations  in  the  Fifth  "Ward,  headed  by 
"William  Conway — who^e  politics,  thongh  opposite  from 
those  of  President  Caven,  rest  upon  the  broad  and  phil- 
anthropic base  of  "  good  men  for  public  service,"  and 
prompt  him  nightly  to  forego  camforts  of  the  fireside  and 
trudge  to  citizens'  meetings  there  to  help  foment  that 
Blow  developing  public  feeling  against  political  Bossism 
and  spoils-seeking  which  is  destined  like  the  small  cloud, 
in  the  course  of  time  to  spread  and  overcast  the  entire 
corrupt  political  sky — may  by  their  earnest  speeches  and 
enthusiastic  endorsements  afford  ;  or,  as  President  Henry 
O.  Lea  and  his  Citizen's  Reform  Association  with  such 
earnest  co-laborers  as  Henry  B.  Tatham,  Charles 
"Wheeler*  and  T.  Morris  Perot,  are,  through  their  artil- 
lery volleys  of  innumerable  civil  service  reform  circulars 
— which  at  times  cover  the  streets  and  door  steps  like  an 
early  fall  of  snow — able  to  yield.  Such  encourage- 
ment from  without,  from  the  broad  field  of  the  people 
comes  in  to  President  Caven  in  his  lonely  struggles. 
But  still,  that  most  needful  of  all,  a  comrade-in-arms 
to  stand  with  him  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  Councils 
*See  appendix. 


22  THB  TALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

and  help  bear  the  shock  of  attack  from  the  minions  of 
Bossism,  whose  masters,  tireless  and  exacting,  are  bent  up- 
on getting  out  of  them  the  worth  of  their  money,  is  slow  in 
coming,  for  the  people  are  not  yet  aroused,  and  election 
results  that  contain  a  grain  of  substantial  encouragement 
are  meagre.  Yet,  in  time  there  is  something  ;  two  ster- 
ling grains,  as  subsequent  events  prove,  have  been  beaten 
out  in  the  fierce  contest  between  the  Citizens'  Eeform 
Association  and  Citizens'  and  Taxpayer's  Associations 
and  political  Bossism.  From  the  suburban  Twenty  fourth 
Ward,  in  green  and  fragrant  Philadelphia-beyond-the- 
Schuylkill  comes  plain  John  Hunter,  fresh  from  the 
spindles  and  woofs  of  his  manufactories,  to  devote  a 
goodly  portion  of  his  time  for  three  years,  not  to  manu- 
facturing but  to  the  interests  of  city  legislation  without 
pay.  And  from  old  William  Conway's  Ward,  the  Fifth, 
a  telling  evidence  of  the  labors  of  the  "  Citizens'  and 
Taxpayers'  Association"  comes  S.  Davis  Page.  Oh ! 
William  Conway  and  Citizens'  and  Taxpayers'  Associa- 
tion !  You  know  not  what  you  have  done  in  giving  to 
the  service  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  this  man !  If  any 
one  in  the  Citizens'  and  Taxpayers'  Association  has 
pufTered  indignity  or  humiliation  or  anything  else  from 
vindictive  and  remorseless  McManesism,  let  him  rejoice 
now  for  he  has  helped  set  a  fearful  Nemesis  on  its  inso- 
lent track.  Forever  while  he  remains  in  Common  Coun- 
cil is  Davis  Page  destined  to  be  a  painful  thorn  in  the 
side  of  James  McManes  and  of  every  political  boss  great 
and  small ;  forever  is  he  fated  to  be  coming  at  them  with 
cool  head  and  terse  little  resolution  attempting  to  undo 
this  harmless  looking  ordinance  or  that  harmless  looking 
resolution  all  of  which  in  their  aggregate  effect  are  salient 


THE   FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  23 

roots  in  the  boss  system  in  whose  destruction  the  citadel 
of  corrupt  political  domination  falls. 

Yet  Davis  is  not  unduly  sanguine — he  is  not  sanguine 
at  all,  but  cool  and  deliberate — and  does  not  expect  ac- 
tual visible  results  from  his  numerous  little  resolutions, 
striking  so  close  to  the  heart  of  things ;  he  only  puts 
them  forth  "  for  what  they  are  worth,"  well  knowing  that 
with  such  overwhelming  majority  against  him  they  will 
suffer  ignominious  death.  Yet  is  he  not  right?  Is  there 
not  an  object  gained  in  thus  vindicating  his  convictions 
and  sending  the  cold  shudders  of  "  what  may  be"  through 
the  vulnerable  carcass  of  McManesism  ?  That  he  is  succes- 
sively defeated  in  all  his  radical  measures  matters  not; 
that  he  has  struck  fierce  blows  for  the  right  is  something 
gained  for  his  cause,  something  lost  from  the  cause  of 
Bossism.  The  blows  he  has  inflicted  leave  marks  which, 
unlike  the  spear-thrusts  of  fable,  cannot  by  any  magic 
elixir  be  effaced  but  which  may  thereafter,  like  felon's 
brands,  prove  troublesome  and  hard  to  explain  away. 
Already  Davis'  branding  qualities  have  been  felt  and 
among  the  subjects  thereof  the  verdict  is  that  they  are 
severe.  Dreadful  is  it  to  some  who  before  were  among 
the  boldest  in  vindicating  Bossism's  rights  and  in  showing 
contempt  for  the  public  will,  when  Davis — who  has  a 
taste  for  mathematics — gets  up  and  with  carefully  written 
manuscript  in  hand  gives  statistical  examples  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  city's  treasure  is  melting  away  un- 
der the  reckless  extravagance  of  department  officials  and 
their  political  masters.  On  such  occasions  there  is  al- 
ways a  sensation  ;  Bossism's  minions  are  on  their  feet 
with  flat  contradictions  and  a  conglomeration  of  in- 
uendoes  and  sneers  and  unfavorable  reflection.  But 
2 


4  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

the  mathematician  is  not  of  the  pedagogue  sort, — who 
is  notoriously  no  man  for  repartee  and  sharp  encounter, — 
but  having  been  dipped  in  a  compound  of  gall  and 
vitriol  in  youth,  is  at  home  with  scorn  and  sarcasm. 
Scorn  is  met  with  scorn  thrice  ten  times  as  severe,  and  in 
the  verbal  melee  that  follows,  poor  tired  President  Caven 
who  has  been  fighting  single  handed  for  so  many  years 
gets  a  chance  to  rest.  This  he  may  well  do,  for  Davis 
Page  is  so  capable  of  taking  care  of  himself  that  it  is  a 
pleasure  to  see  him  stand  battling  alone.  Cool  as  an 
Arctic  ice-berg,  villification  and  denunciation  fall  like 
harmless  pellets  upon  his  impassive  face.  The  weak 
points  of  his  opponents  which  rage  and  excitement  have 
left  bare,  are  scourged  with  sarcasm,  sharp  as  polished 
steel ;  the  abuse  and  detraction  hurled  at  him  with  such 
reckless  defiance  of  grammar  and  parliamentary  pro- 
prieties react  upon  the  shrinking  assailant's  head.  The 
combined  forces  of  the  majority  of  nearly  seventy  mem- 
bers is  no  match  for  this  mathematical  assailant  (which 
seems  to  be  an  incongruity)  fortified  as  he  is  by  the  con- 
viction of  right  and  having  the  aggressive  vigor  and 
tenacity  to  strive  for  its  vindication. 

Meantime  suburban  John  Hunter,  whose  manufactur- 
ing interests  must  take  care  of  themselves -much  of  the 
time  now,  for  the  manufacturer  is  looking  into  the  system 
and  methods  of  Dr,  McFadden,  Chief  Engineer  of  the 
Water  Department,  is,  in  his  line,  doing  equally  effective 
work,  while  weary  President  Caven  from  his  presiding 
chair  looks  delightedly  on,  as  one  having  in  the  two  new 
champions  a  paternal  interest.  But  it  is  not  by  looks 
alone  that  he  shows  his  interest,  for  the  long  single 
handed  fight  being  now  in  a  measure  over,  he  darts  from 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  25 

the  presiding  chair  frequently  and  goes  to  the  rescue  of 
his  two  lieutenants,  to  whom  his  long  experience  in  the 
chamber,  and  his  knowledge  of  the  affairs  of  the  city  are 
invaluable.  Caven,  Hunter  and  Page  soon  become  linked 
together  in  a  combination  that  becomes  as  familiar  to 
"taxpayers  and  citizens,"  as  was  the  name  of  Caven  be- 
fore. Before  the  eyes  of  the  people  they  stand,  making 
their  battle  for  people's  rights  and  against  public  plun- 
derers,— pursuing  the  business  under  the  name  of  "  party 
leaders" — which  designation  is  a  glaring  misnomer — for 
months  conspicuous.  And  results  begin  to  appear  in  due 
time,  which  gives  another  occasion  for  drawing  a  com- 
parison apropos  of  the  dripping  water  wearing  away 
rocks. 

In  the  Select  Council  with  its  aggregation  of  represen- 
tatives ;  one  from  each  of  the  thirty-one  wards,  although 
no  Davis  Page  flourishes  there  to  cause  a  quaking  of 
knees  and  to  add  an  impetus  to  the  development  of  re- 
partee, there  is  the  counterpart  of  President  Caven's  ex- 
perience before  the  acquisition  of  his  two  lieutenants,  in 
the  spectacle  of  lonely  Selectman  King.  Like  Caven  he 
has  been  figliting  single  handed  for  years.  Unlike  Caven 
he  has  been  in  Select  Council  continuously  since  1860. 
Yet  would  he  not  have  been  there  more  than  one  term,  if  a 
little  bright  glimmer  of  reform  sentiment  up  in  the 
Eleventh  Ward  had  not  been  fanned  by  the  breath  of 
public  opinion  into  active  life  and  burned  brightly  ever 
since,  receiving  the  additional  brilliancy  of  a  "  Citizens 
and  Taxpayers'"  organization,  between  which  such  a 
feeling  of  independence  of  political  domination  has  been 
cultivated  that  James  McManes  cannot  get  a  foothold 
there  and  Samuel  G.  King  can  be,  if  he  desires,  continued 
in  Select  Council  perpetually. 


26  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

Yet  destiny  may  have  something  in  reserve  for  Select- 
man King.  His  unswerving  faithfulness  to  the  people's 
interests  is  proverbial.  His  high  ideal  of  municipal 
government  constantly  finds  expression  in  his  acts.  His 
keen  knowledge  of  city  affairs  is  unsurpassed  and  his 
great  usefulness  as  a  city  legislator  has  been  demon- 
strated so  frequently  that  even  his  enemies  in  Councils 
would  feel  it  a  loss  to  not  have  him  there.  An  impressive 
picture  does  he  make  among  his  thirty  colleagues.  The 
visitor,  when  he  enters  the  chamber,  may  see  nothing 
striking  in  the  personal  appearance  of  any  one  of  thirty 
members,  but  when  the  eye  alights  upon  the  well-shaped 
head  and  the  iron  gray  mustache  of  the  rather  small 
man  sitting  over  to  the  right,  whose  dark  eyes  incessant- 
ly flash,  whether  in  speech  or  in  silent  contemplation  of 
the  rest  of  the  chamber,  the  gaze  will  stop  there  and  the 
ideal  of  a  dignified  appearance  will  be  realized.  When 
Selectman  King  rises  to  speak  the  chamber  is  hushed  and 
spectators  and  members  alike  give  marked  attention  to 
his  words,  because  the  style  and  manner  of  the  man  com- 
mand it. 

Not  all  the  eloquence  nor  the  high  example  of  Mr. 
King,  however,  can  redeem  his  chamber  from  the  blight 
of  political  miasma  which  permeates  the  carcasses  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  members.  Yet,  like  Davis  Page  he  can 
fight,  though  perhaps  with  less  vitriol  which,  however, 
is  not  a  cause  for  regret  among  his  colleagues ;  especially 
after  they  have  stepped  across  the  corridor  and  seen 
Davis  at  work  in  the  Common  chamber.  But  he  never- 
theless does  effective  work.  Like  Davis  Page  he  is  a 
Democrat,  but  this  matters  not.  Caven  and  Hunter  are 
Republicans,  yet  they  are  working  shoulder  to  shoulder 


THE   FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  27 

with  Page,  with  a  calm  disregard  of  posssible  eruptions 
of  nature  which  are  commonly  supposed  to  find  their 
provocation  in  the  spectacle  of  such  heinous  political 
oflenses.  It  begins  to  have  its  effect,  too.  The  eight 
hundred  and  forty  odd  thousand  citizens  of  the  "City  of 
Dirt"  are  awakening  to  the  belief  that  there  will  soon  be 
at  hand  a  time  for  some  unusual  action.  Journalism 
which  has  been  industriously  sounding  public  opinion 
can  bear  testimony  to  the  fact  that  people  are  growing 
restless.  The  spark  of  dissatisfaction  is  kindling  ;  it  may 
yet  become  a  flame  1 


CHAPTER  rV. 

A  BREAK  IN   BOSSISM'S  WALL. 

Men's  minds  are  so  taken  up  with  the  pursuit  after 
lucre  that  they  see  nothing  else  save  with  casual  vision. 
The  wheels  of  government  must  go  on ;  this  much  they 
see  clearly.  Taxes  must  be  paid ;  this  much  additional 
they  see,  or  if  they  do  not,  they  are  likely  to  have  the 
fact  brought  to  their  attention  by  accommodating  func- 
tionaries, whose  official  peculiarities  are  familiar.  As 
for  other  matters  of  public  concern,  all  are  more  or  less 
vague.  Only  by  chance,  by  accident,  through  frequency 
ot  recurring  opportunities  do  they  stumble  upon  things 
which  stir  up  suspicion,  and  there  begin  to  be  faint 
murmurings,  upon  which  men  say,  "  the  public  is  being 
aroused."  Not  eager  and  quick  of  thought  and  action 
is  this  public,  but  rather  preoccupied  and,  as  concerns 
the  performance  of  its  political  duties,  sluggish.    Other 


28  THE  FALL  OF  B08SISM. 

things,  its  family  members  have  to  think  about,  things 
private  and  of  individual  concern.  Politics  for  those 
who  love  i^olitics;  for  themselves  anything  rather  than 
such.  Out  of  which  feeling  grows  "rings,"  and  "bosses," 
and  political  corruption.  Politics  the  outcast,  the  ig- 
nored, becomes  politics  the  Tyrant,  who  makes  ease-loving, 
pleasure-seeking  man  tremble.  Formidable  does  his 
power  for  evil  grow  under  the  tutelage  of  those  un- 
watched  and  unchecked  ones  who,  finding  him  ignored 
and  despised,  take  him  up,  house  him,  and  develop  him 
as  a  business  which  assuredly  shall  become  profitable. 
Not  in  sympathy  are  those  men, with  the  scofiers  at  poli- 
tics ;  nor  in  sympathy  with  them  are  the  scoflfers.  Irrec- 
oncilable are  the  two  elements,  the  one  too  high  for  the 
true  and  practical  objects  of  politics,  the  other  too  low. 
Yet  are  the  latter  the  fortunate  ones,  in  being  in  reality 
the  rulers  of  the  others  under  the  cunning  guise  of  ser- 
vants ;  which  distinction  our  ease-loving  ones  discover  in 
time,  much  to  their  regret  and  pecuniary  disadvantage, 
whereupon  ensues  a  struggle  for  the  mastery,  high  ones 
descending  from  their  pedestal  and  learning  something  of 
the  ways  of  politics  as  an  imperative  necessity.  Which 
imperative  necessity  is  just  now  being  seriously  felt  in 
Philadelphia ;  there  being  among  the  850,000  people 
therein  resident  some  thousands  who  are  heavy  tax  payers 
and  some  thousands  more  who  are  tax  payers  not  heavy 
yet  not  so  favorably  conditioned  but  they  feel  the  lack  of 
every  dollar  which  goes  into  the  vaults  of  the  Tax  De- 
partment and  can  illy  afford  to  see  taxation  increased. 
Yet,  that  it  is  increased,  and  that  professional  politicians 
are  growing  rich,  are  unquestionable  facts.  In  these 
propositions  lie  cause  for  serious  reflection,  the  tendency 


THE  FALL  Oi*  EOSSISM.  29 

to  which  among  taxpayers  large  and  small  even  now  is 
apparent.  Thus  does  politics  come  to  be  a  broader 
question  which  has  its  place  among  the  practical  affairs 
of  man's  life,  and  which  claims  a  share  of  his  attention. 
With  disinterested  judgment  does  he  see  the  effects  of  his 
indifference  and  begin  to  count  the  cost. 

So  the  whole  subject  is  being  pondered  and  reason- 
ed over  with  salutary  effect.  Men  are  being  aroused. 
While  political  bosses  have  built  high  their  walls, 
and  within  do  revel  with  their  secrets  for  overcom- 
ing the  popular  will  in  elections,  and  while  there 
arises  the  loud  guffaw,  mingled  with  the  clinking 
of  brimming  glasses  in  which  the  discomfiture  of  the 
public  is  repeatedly  pledged,  the  cries  of  that  public 
are  heard  on  the  outskirts  like  the  distant  baying  of 
hounds.  Like  hounds  too,  long  baffled  but  now  keenly 
on  the  scent,  they  are  coming  nearer,  and  finally  reach 
the  walls,  where  the  baying  does  not  cease,  but  only 
grows  louder  and  fiercer.  Though  the  walls  are  high 
they  spring  up  and  almost  over.  Nay  !  at  times  they  do 
spring  over  and  spread  confusion  among  the  spoilsmen 
within,  as  in  that  case  in  which  Bossism  lost  the  City 
Controllership,  which  was  plucked  in  a  moment  of  tem- 
porary panic  from  its  paralyzed  grasp  by  the  then  young 
man  Pattison.  The  wall  here  broken  down  it  can  find 
no  immediate  way  of  mending,  which  is  bad,  inasmuch 
as  it  breaks  the  chain  of  power  which  it  has  hitherto  had 
girded  around  the  City  Departments.  True,  all  other  de- 
partments remain  ;  it  still  has  the  Highway  Department, 
the  Water  Department — into  which  John  Hunter  is 
pouring  continually  a  stream  of  reform  light  much  to  the 
discomfiture  of  the  suave  Dr.  McFadden — the  City  Pro- 


30 


THE   FA  1.1.   OF   BOSSISM. 


perty  department,  the  City  Treasurer's  department,  and 
other  and  minor  departments,  the  respective  Heads  of 
which,  having  the  unchangeable  leopard-like  spots  of 
"spoilsmen'  covered  with  an  artificial  coating  labeled 
"  Republican,"  can  at  least  make  the  democratic  Patti- 
son  experience  a  slight  feeling  of  loneliness.  Young  is 
the  Controller  in  years,  but  in  official  integrity,  in  stern, 
unswerving  principle,  a  veteran.  Soon  indeed  does  Boss- 
ism  begin  to  discover  the  meaning  of  hia  election. 
Though  new  in  official  life,  into  which  he  has  been  in- 
ducted while  yet  fresh  in  the  sphere  of  law,  his  standard 
of  things,  as  people  see  and  recognize,  is  high.  His  old- 
fashioned  notions  as  to  his  duties  as  an  official,  are  hailed 
with  delight  by  reformers.  The  office  of  Controller,  under 
his  administration,  assumes  a  new  importance ;  an  im- 
portance not  dreamed  of  apparently  under  the  reign  of 
his  predecessors  who,  drone-like,  performed  certain  per- 
functory duties  with  as  much  sense  of  responsibility  as 
would  be  displayed  by  a  school-boy  in  the  role  of  mimic 
pedagogue  ;  which  official  lack  however  received  a  strik- 
ing contrast  in  the  alacrity  with  which  they  periodically 
went  through  the  formalities  of  drawing  a  salary  of  ten 
thousand  dollars  a  year. 

In  the  new  light  in  which  Mr.  Pattison  interprets  the 
duties  of  the  Controller,  the  office  is  transformed  from 
that  state  of  "  happy  nations,"  which  proverbially  have 
no  history,  into  a  state  of  vigorous  activity  and  eventful- 
ness.  The  office  which  heretofore  scarcely  had  place  in 
the  thoughts  of  the  people — save  when,  through  laxity 
of  its  administration,  fraudulent  bills  would  be  approved 
by  the  bushel  and  the  city  treasury  emptied  thereby — 
giving  it  a  sudden  and  unenviable  prominence  which 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  31 

would  be  accepted  as  a  matter  of  course, — now  became 
the  chief  bulwark  of  the  reform  structure  which  citizens 
were  slowly  but  surely  erecting.  Men  saw  in  the  Con- 
troller an  eflfective  instrument  for  detecting  fraud,  check- 
ing extravagance,  and  for  framing  in  councils  measures 
of  prevention  in  the  future.  With  President  Caven,  John 
Hunter,  Davis  Page,  and  Selectman  King,  in  the  city's 
legislative  body,  Controller  Pattison  earnestly  co-operated 
and  between  them  they  became  formidable  as  opponents 
of  the  cause  of  McManesism  in  every  form  and  where- 
ever  found.  As  a  result.  Controller  Pattison  and  hia 
associates  soon  began  to  receive  that  praise  universally 
accorded  to  men  of  aggressive  honesty  in  public  life — 
abuse  from  the  dishonest  and  criminal  classes  of  society, 
and  the  vindictive  assaults  of  their  dependent  "  news- 
paper "  organs.  Public  contractors,  who  had  grown 
rapidly  rich  from  their  frauds  upon  the  city  government ; 
Department-heads,  who  had  conspired  with  and  shared 
the  spoils  of  those  contractors  ;  employes  and  underlings 
of  every  description,  whose  easily-earned  salaries  de- 
pended upon  the  maintenance  of  the  old  order  of  things, 
and,  above  all,  political  bosses  who  drew  directly  and 
indirectly,  tribute  from  the  entire  lot  of  lesser  spoilsmen, 
made  Controller  Pattison  the  especial  object  of  their  dis- 
praise. His  hand  it  was  that  stopped  their  eager  and 
indiscriminate  reaching  for  the  contents  of  the  treasury ; 
his  eye  that  detected  the  fraud  that  began  to  send  some 
to  prison,  and  others  into  the  less  unpleasant  obscurity 
reserved  for  fugitives  from  justice.  Department-heads, 
more  politic  than  contractors  and  their  hirelings,  ex- 
pended the  energy  of  their  antagonism  rather  in  the 
direction  of  complaints  than  of  vilificationo     Pattison 


32  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

was  violating  the  law ;  Pattison  was  interfering  with  the 
course  of  public  business,  and  Pattison  was  "  clogging 
the  wheels"  of  city  government.  Thus  does  the  oiEce- 
holding  element  fume  and  chafe  under  such  re 
straint  perpetually.  Contractors  more  out-spoken, 
and  having  less  oflflcial  responsibility,  denounce  the 
Cerberus  of  the  treasury  with  his  lynx  eye  as  an  up- 
start, a  sham  reformer,  and  a  humbug.  The  little  organs 
whose  life-blood,  so  sparse  of  that  bracing  quality  which 
attends  a  healthy  organism,  ceases  to  flow  the  moment 
they  cease  piping  the  tunes  of  the  bosses,  are  nothing 
these  days  but  vehicles  of  vituperative  terms,  and  suggest 
the  assiduity  with  which  their  conductors  must  apply 
themselves  of  nights  to  the  study  of  opprobrious  charac- 
terizations. 

It  does  not  appear,  however,  with  all  this,  that  Con- 
troller Pattison  stays  his  hand  when  those  hungry  digits 
are  thrust  with  such  unanimity  toward  the  city's  money 
vaults ;  on  the  contrary,  the  owners  thereof  are  driven 
back  to  the  outer  gates  where  they  stand  in  a  solid  pha- 
lanx with  hands  raised  high  overhead,  shaking  therein 
amid  confusion  and  a  clamor  of  tongues,  a  vast  number 
of  unapproved^bills,  which  in  their  nervous  fluttering  in 
the  air,  might  easily  be'mistaken  at  a  distance  for  a  great 
flock  of  rapacious  birds,  holding  council  over  some  in- 
tended object  of  prey. 

If  the  methods  of  Pattison  are  bad  for  Department 
heads  and  contractors  and  their  retainers,  they  are  worse 
for  the  political  Generals  in  the  citadel  of  bossism,  the 
corner-stone  of  which  structure  is  the  Gas  Trust.  Upon 
the  cupidity  of  the  first  class  of  spoilsmen  the  latter 
have  built  their  power,  and  if  they  fall,  all  falls.     As  th« 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  83 

Generals  have  been  engaged  in  the  business  of  spoils- 
gathering  for  a  longer  period  of  time  than  those  in  the 
ranks,  they  have  necessarily  amassed  more  and  have 
more  to  lose  in  the  event  of  the  triumph  of  reform- 
Their  houses,  their  investments  of  various  kinds,  stand  as 
monuments  to  their  fame  as  skilled  and  successful  poli- 
ticians, and  as  examples  for  the  youth  of  the  city  con- 
templating a  political  career  to  emulate.  The  practical 
effects  of  the  operation  of  their  genius  for  economy  on 
the  one  hand,  and  for  acquisitiveness  on  the  other,  are  a 
revelation  to  struggling,  fortune-seeking  humanity.  What 
could  be  more  original  and  advantageous  than  a  device 
whereby  men  of  no  previous  means  in  the  way  of  lucre? 
may  become  suddenly  possessed  of  large  amounts  of 
taxable  property,  and  then  may  happily  escape  the  usual 
consequences  of  such  acquisition  by  being  exempted  from 
the  payment  of  taxes?*  The  records  of  the  tax  office, 
which  show  that  the  political  Generals  who  furnish  the 
material  for  governing  the  city  and  executing  its  laws» 
have  not  for  many  years  paid  taxes,  are  strong  illustra- 
tions of  the  extent  to  which  the  virtue  of  frugality  may 

*  Theodore  F.  Hanel,  an  ex-clerk  in  the  tax  ofHc6  under  Receiver 
Thomas  J.  Smith,  stated  during  an  Investigation  of  the  charges  of  mis- 
management and  fraud  under  Receiver  Smith's  administration,  by  a 
committee  of  Select  and  Common  Councils— consisting  of  Walter  E. 
Rex,  John  Woodbridge  Patton,  George  R.  Snowden,  Henry  Claj',  Wil- 
liam B.  Irvine,  and  Frederick  Halterman— beginning  in.l881  and  con- 
tinuing through  1S82— that  it  was  the  Receiver's  custom  to  exempt  many 
of  his  political  friends  from  tha  payment  of  taxes,  and  in  other  cases  to 
remit  penalties  imposed  by  law  upon  all  taxes  which  are  not  paid  up  to 
a  certain  date.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  a  poor  woman  entered,  having  a 
little  property  in  some  humble  quarter  of  the  city,  and  having  been 
unable  until  the  arrival  of  the  time  for  adding  the  penalty,  to  raise  the 
money  to  pay  her  taxes,  her  appeal  for  a  remission  of  the  penalty  would 
be  in  vain,  and  if  she  could  not  pay  the  amount  demanded,  her  property 
in  due  time  would  be  sold  by  the  sberitT  to  satisfy  the  tax  claim. 


34  THE  FALLr  OF  BOSSISM. 

be  carried.  But  this  result  is  obtained  more  through 
their  foresight  in  having  elected  to  the  office  of  Receiver 
of  Taxes  persons  of  their  own  class  and  guild,  than 
through  any  merit  in  the  current  methods  of  economy. 

But  meantime  there  will  be  an  end  to  this,  agreeable 
state  of  things  if  the  Generals  do  not  weed  out  ol  the 
political  garden-patch  these  noxious  reformers,  Pattison, 
Caven,  Page,  Hunter,  and  King.  That  they  are  of  dif 
ferent  political  parties  is  bad,  and  means  trouble  for 
Bossism  which  is  deprived  of  all  opportunity  of  engender- 
ing party  feeling  and  thus  weakening  in  people's  minds* 
the  effect  of  their  work  on  behalf  of  the  public.  With 
no  party  prejudice  to  blind  men  and  no  party  strife  to 
make  them  forget  real  issues,  there  is  danger  for  political 
spoilsmen,  who  flourish  best  when  partisan  bitterness  runs 
high,  and  when  crimination  and  recrimination  among 
party  followers  drown  the  quiet  voice  of  truth  and  rea- 
son. Best  call  up  the  political  trumpeters  and  the  politi- 
cal clackers,  and  set  the  vast  clamorous  army  of  Bossism's 
pride  and  strength  in  motion,  and  perhaps  men's  eyes 
may  be  drawn  away  from  those  damaging  facts  in  con- 
nection with  Bossism's  stewardship,  and  men's  minda 
made  to  underrate  the  importance  of  the  disclosures 
which  the  investigations  by  Pattison  and  his  council- 
manic  friends  are  bringing  about.  Poor  clackers  and 
trumpeters !  Upon  their  shoulders  rests  a  heavy  task. 
They  must  blind  men's  eyes  to  plain  facts,  to  unanswer- 
able arguments,  and  simply  by  a  hurly-burly  sort  of  pro- 
cess, by  tumbling  them  and  shaking  them  about,  get 
them  far  enough  away  from  the  evidences  of  Bossism's 
cupidity  to  make  them  think  next  election  time  there  is 
nothing  wrong,  and  that  the  sua  will  cease  to  shine  if 


THE   FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  35 

the-clackers  and  trumpeters'  masters  are  not  re-electefl. 
"Fealty "to  the  party,  "treachery"  to  the  party,  "in- 
gratitude to  the  party,  "  traditions  "  of  the  party,  and  a 
score  of  other  terms  are  the  chief  staples  in  the  line  of 
argument  which  the  clackers  and  trumpeters  glibly  ring 
the  changes  on,  and  which  are  expected  to  reason  men 
into  a  belief  of  the  error  of  their  convictions. 

Meanwhile  events  are  moving,  and  party  bosses  and 
"  people's  "  champions  are  pulling  in  their  separate  ways 
with  fierce  vigor.  Between  the  two  there  is  no  middle 
ground  upon  which  both  may  stand.  At  extremes  they 
must  be  from  the  very  nature  of  things,  or  rather  at 
swords'  points.  One  is  making  its  struggle  that  many 
may  live  and  thrive,  the  other  struggles  that  a  few  may 
live  and  thrive.  One  sweeps  with  comprehensive  vision 
the  dome  of  nature's  sky,  and  wishes  well  of  all  under- 
neath, while  the  other  with  cunning,  avaricious  sparkle 
in  its  short-sighted  look,  sees  nothing  but  its  own  imme- 
diate personal  surroundings,  its  own  aggrandizement,  and 
self-interest,  to  promote  which  it  has  labored  to  beat  into 
men's  pates  the  doctrine  of  "  fealty  to  party,"  as  the  car- 
dinal doctrine  of  their  existence.  Safe  are  party  bosses 
and  with  impunity  may  people's  rights  be  abused,  as 
long  as  they  manage  to  have  "  party  lines "  held  su- 
perior to  man's  sense  or  right  and  justice.  Wedded  to 
party-prejudice  men  must  become  conscience-callous  to 
the  evils  of  their  political  organization,  or  they  must 
divorce  themselves  therefrom,  the  last  of  which  alterna- 
tive requires  courage.  "  What  has  conscience  to  do  with 
politics?"  demands  the  politician;  "is  not  the  good  of 
the  party  superior  to  all  other  considerations  ? "  Let 
the  man  of  conviction  attempt  to  reason  with  him ;  all 


36  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

his  arguments  will  be  rank  heresy,  his  mildest  remon- 
strances high  treason,  and  himself  a  traitor  of  the  basest 
degree,  save  only  that  culminating  point  of  degradation 
reserved  for  him  when  he  abandons  the  party. 

Caven  and  Hunter,  Eepublicans ;  King  and  Page  and 
Pattison,  Democrats  I — all  waging  war  against  a  republi- 
can administration  in  general,  and  republican  and  demo- 
cratic corruption  in  particular.  To  bosses  in  both  parties 
these  heretical  disturbers  of  the  old  order  of  things  are 
most  obnoxious.  If  such  disrespect  to  party  prejudice 
and  party  traditions  extends  in  its  practice  to  the  people 
at  large,  what  may  not  happen  ?  All  the  safeguards  of 
political  Bossism  and  Dictatorship  will  be  as  rotten 
sticks.  If  only  men  were  less  intelligent,  if  only  news- 
papers would  talk  less  and  not  be  so  independent,  the 
prospect  for  Bossism  would  look  more  hopeful.  As  it 
now  is,  it  is  most  aggravating.  The  aggressive  Pattison 
and  his  fellow  champions  can  make  no  discoveries  these 
days  prejudicial  to  Bossism,  that  are  not  within  a  few 
hours  thereafter  proclaimed  to  the  people  with  all  the 
attendant  details  in  the  news  columns  of  the  scandalous 
daily  papers.  The  bosses  of  both  political  parties  these 
times — who  are  held  together  by  the  spirit  of  the  magic 
word  "  spoils,"  however  their  political  followers  may  be 
kept  at  variance — have  not  command  of  language  suffi- 
cient, as  they  meet  in  secret  back  rooms  to  parcel  out 
and  divide  their  spoils,  to  denounce  the  press  and  their 
conductors,  whose  lives,  if  threats  were  swords,  would 
long  ago  have  been  forfeited.  Well  may  they  feel  in- 
censed against  the  press,  for  what  has  it  not  done  ?  It  has> 
day  after  day,  for  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  times  in 
a  year,  kept  on  exposing  their  methods,  and  encouraging 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  37 

in  their  work  of  reform  Caven,  Hunter,  Pattison,  and 
their  associates,  and  it  has  furthermore  continued  in  con- 
nection with  these  performances  to  give  advice  to  the 
people,  who,  in  consequence,  are  becoming  sharper-eyed, 
are  beginning  to  distrust  their  leaders,  and  are  beginning 
to  speak  slightingly  of  "party  fealty,"  intimating  that 
the  party  Dictators,  who  meet  together  so  often  in  secret 
with  congenial  spirits  of  the  same  sort  in  the  opposite 
party,  are,  after  all,  hardly  perfect  examples  of  the  faith- 
ful observance  of  the  doctrine  which  they  preach.     How 
often  have  Kepublican  bosses  been  detected  in  the  act  of 
"selling  out"  to  Democratic  bosses  when  it  was  known 
that  the  candidates  of  the  latter  party  would  be  more 
subservient  to  the  uses  of  the  bosses  of  both  parties? 
Has  the  reader  ever  heard  of  the  Pilgrim  Club?     If  not, 
let  him  go  back  to  the  files  of  The  Times  of  1875-6,  and 
read  there  of  the  practices  of  mutually  interested  bosses, 
Eepublican  and  Democrat,  who  were  accustomed  to  meet 
together  in  fraternal  council  and   arrange  their  plans 
whereby  each  was  to  do  his  part  in  the  election,  in  the 
interest  of  certain  of  the  candidates  of  the  other,  in  return 
for  which  they  would  all  have  a  share  in  the  profits  of 
the  respective  offices ;  which  state  of  things  being  ex- 
posed in   The  Times  columns  by  Colonel  McClure,  had 
the  effect  of  speedily  breaking  up  the  "  pilgrims,"  who 
giving  a  practical  meaning  to  their  title,  became  pilgrims 
in  fact,  selling  out  their  household  effects  at  public  auc- 
tion, and  taking  a  sudden  departure   from   their  club- 
rooms,  which  thereafter  knew  them  no  more. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  WORK  OP   AMATEURS. 

Patience  McManesism  1  patience  Bossism  I  This  Patti- 
5on  has  been  a  lion  in  the  pathway  of  your  practices;  a 
sore  and  perplexing  annoyance  which  nothing  but  votes 
can  remove, — or  rather  nothing  but  skillful  manipulation 
of  the  voting  prerogative  since  votes  themselves  are  not 
in  question  with  you  in  the  usual  sense  of  popular  ma- 
jorities. The  opportunity  for  such  use  of  the  prerogative 
will  come ;  is  coming  rapidly  as  you  well  know.  Before 
the  sober  days  of  November  are  half  gone  it  will  be  here. 
Then,  in  the  din  and  turmoil  of  an  election  for  a  presi- 
dent of  the  nation,  there  will  also  be  an  election  that  will 
more  immediately  interest  you ;  an  election  for  a  Controller 
to  succeed  the  obnoxious  Pattison.  Difficult  may  it  be  for 
you  to  place  in  that  office  a  man  to  your  liking,  especially 
if  Pattison  is  called  upon  by  the  people  to  stand  again  i 
but  you  have  almost  unlimited  resources  and  you  will 
tax  them  all  to  the  utmost  in  very  desperation  to  win 
success.  Now  will  the  urbane  Dr.  McFadden  with  his 
Water  Department  retainers,  and  the  bland  head  of  the 
Highway  Department,  find  use  for  their  voting  stock 
which  in  pestiferous  swarms  will  be  found,  even  long  be- 
fore the  arrival  of  the  day  of  this  election,  in  wards  and 
divisions,  near  and  remote,  in  back  rooms  of  taverns  and 
club  houses  "  fixing  up  things."  For,  nothing  is  done 
without  system  and  arrangement ;  only  by  close  attention 
to  details,  to  the  screws  and  rivets  of  the  political  ma- 
chine, have  you  built  up  your  power  and  influence,  and 
having  so  built  it,  there  is  all  the  more  need  for  you  not 
(38) 


THE   FALL  OF   BOSSISM.  39 

to  let  your  hands  forget  their  cunning.  Public  con- 
tractors, too,  and  their  hosts  of  dependents,  all  savage 
and  bloodthirsty  against  Pattison,  will  need  less  urging 
this  time  than  ever  before,  for  their  own  special  griev- 
ances of  having  their  bills  shorn  more  or  less  as  matter 
fraudulent  and  excessive,  will  be  stimulus  enough. 

If  voters'  eyes  could  but  look  behind  the  scenes  and 
see  the  operation  of  the  system  that  makes  candidates, 
and  discern  therein  the  barter-and-sale  aspect  of  the 
business,  the  interestedness  of  vast  hordes  of  men  who 
somehow,  in  a  topsy-turvy  way  "  make  a  living  out  of 
politics"  without  possessing  in  mind  or  character  the 
qualifications  necessary  for  any  legitimate  return  for  their 
political  maintainance,  there  might  be  less  indiscriminate 
voting  and  more  inquiry  into  the  suitability  of  candidates 
for  public  ofiice. 

Meantime  in  tippling-houses  and  numerous  convenient 
resorts,  familiar  to  Bossism  in  its  ramifications  through- 
out the  city,  with  its  thirty-one  wards  and  seven  hundred 
odd  divisions,  or  jormncfe,  Bossism's  emissaries  from  the 
various  city  departments  swarm  and  are  busy.  This  man 
must  go  into  convention,  that  man  must  be  kept  out. 
This  voter  must  be  looked  after,  that  voter  must  be  sup. 
pressed,  or  his  plain  talk  may  do  harm.  A  sinecure  po- 
sition in  the  Gas  Department,  in  the  Water  Department, 
or  in  some  other  department,  will  stop  his  tongue ;  it  al- 
ways does  stop  men's  tongues,  no  matter  how  virulent  they 
may  have  been  against  Bossism  beforehand.  And  after 
a  brief  lapse  of  time  they  will  be  found  so  far  convinced 
that  Bossism  is  right  that  they  will  be  taking  a  hand  in 
ward  politics  themselves  in  its  interest,  and  not  unlikely 
will  be  found  presiding  over  a  packed  ward  convention, 


40  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

with  the  result  all  settled  beforehand,  and  with  only  a 
slight  requisite  in  the  way  of  pluck  and  audacity  to  offi- 
ciate as  principal  conductor  of  the  farce  which  printed  an- 
nouncements dignify  by  the  name  of  "  nominating  con- 
ventions." But  farces,  if  presented  too  often,  become 
tiresome  even  to  the  most  patient  of  audiences,  and  if 
people  can  get  nothing  better  they  are  apt  to  stay  away 
from  the  Thespian  shop  and  perhaps  inaugurate  some- 
thing in  the  line  of  the  "  legitimate  drama"  themselves. 
Happily  there  is  no  law  against  such  independent  de- 
parture and  the  "  legitimate"  may  go  ahead  and  do  its 
best  with  the  assurance  that  amateurs  are  sometimes 
more  powerful  than  professionals  in  shaping  out  of  un- 
favorable circumstances  favorable  results.  For,  after  all 
it  is  a  question  not  so  much  of  what  people  think,  as  it  is 
of  what  they  can  be  made  to  think  that  has  force  in  the 
game  of  politics.  Habit  is  so  often  allowed  to  serve  as  a 
false  leader,  so  often  allowed  to  play  false  to  men's 
thoughts  that  the  masses  of  mankind  are  content  to  drift, 
taking  but  a  casual  glance  at  things  around  them  with 
no  suspicion  that  '•'  things  are  not  what  they  seem,"  so 
long  as  they  keep  moving  with  the  current.  Uncertain, 
irresolute,  they  float  on  until  some  one  more  courageous, 
and  self-sacrificing  than  themselves  shall  arise  and  give 
definiteness  to  their  formless  purposes;  being  at  the 
mercy  meantime  in  the  domain  of  politics,  of  craft  and 
intrigue,  which  notoriously  prosper  when  men's  ideas  are 
undisturbed  by  enlightening  discussion  and  controversy. 
Yet,  inasmuch  as  they  are  victims  of  habit  and  only  need 
to  be  aroused  to  see  things  differently,  the  tenure  of  pro- 
fessional politicians  is  necessarily,  like  the  temper  of  their 
constituents,  uncertain.    Let  the  treachery  of  habit  once 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  41 

be  made  clear  to  them,  then  will  they  awaken  from  their 
torpor  and  follow  valorous  leaders  through  a  "  bloodless 
revolution." 

Such  revolution  may  come  in  the  natural  course  of 
things  sooner  than  men  expect.  Meantime,  as  a  fact  not 
prejudicial  to  the  revolutionary  tendency  of  matters  it  is 
to  be  recorded  that  Eepublican  John  Hunter,  with  a 
printed  address  in  hand  is  going  among  the  people.  Re- 
publicans like  himself  in  the  sphere,  not  of  politics  but 
of  business,  inspired  by  a  weighty  mission.  The  Address 
bears  testimony  to  the  valuable  services  rendered  to  the 
taxpayers  by  Controller  Pattison  and  contains  space 
whereon  these  business-like  Republicans  may  sign  their 
names  as  favorable  to  his  re-election  to  olfice.  James 
McManes  and  his  lieutenants  and  official  retainers 
(Col.  McClure  calls  them  "  heelers"),  who  hear  of  the 
Councilman's  doings  and  who  are  almost  compelled  to  a 
belief  that  the  earth  will  change  its  complexion,  if  not 
be  visited  by  prodigious  internal  disturbances,  have  noth- 
ing left  them  to  do  but  to  solemnly  disown  the  renegade 
Republican  ;  which  act  is  performed  with  all  the  violent 
expletives  and  anathematical  fulminations  peculiar  to 
such  ceremonies  and  is  then  necessarily  reproduced  in 
the  party-organs  with  such  elaboration  and  improvement, 
as  the  burning  zeal  of  professional  apologists  of  political 
adventurers  may  suggest.  Councilman  Hunter  bears  the 
ordeal  like  a  born  ingrate  ;  does  not  even  stop  to  read  the 
organs  which  contain  the  words  of  his  doom.  He  leaves 
his  manufactory,  which  gets  even  less  of  his  time  than 
usual,  and  traverses  Philadelphia's  business  districts, 
where  heavy  taxpayers  abound,  and  popping  into  count- 
ing-room and  office  presents  the  inevitable  Address  for 


42  THE  FALL  OF  BOSglSM. 

signature.  He  may  tell  you,  too,  if  he  is  disposed  to  talk, 
that  he  is  meeting  with  a  success  beyond  his  expectations. 
He  can  point  to  names  on  that  unequivocal  foolscap 
which  represent  influence  in  the  social  and  business 
world,  and  which  have  heretofore  from  force  of  habit 
figured  on  the  Republican  books  as  supporters  only  of  the 
"  straight"  ticket.  One  name  which  should  be  there  is 
not.  Pioneer  reformer,  Henry  C.  Lea,  president  of  the 
old  Municipal  Reform  Association,  which  did  so  much 
for  Pattison  when  he  first  ran  for  Controller,  is  cruising 
in  his  yacht  somewhere  off  the  West  Indies  and  will  not 
return  for  months.  Another  absent  citizen  whose  name 
is  desirable  is  John  Wauamaker,  who  is  in  Europe.  Pro- 
fessor Morse's  lightning  courier  carries  a  message  from 
Mr.  Hunter  to  Mr.  Wanamaker  in  London,  to  which  the 
answer  comes  promptly  authorizing  the  use  of  his  name 
and  another  "  heavy  taxpayer"  is  added  to  the  list  of 
those  who  would  have  it  demonstrated  that  party  ties  are 
not  to  be  held  superior  to  the  interests  of  the  people. 

Councilman  Hunter's  foolscap  has  now  grown,  from 
frequent  enlargement  to  accommodate  signatures,  to  such 
proportions  that  it  is  quite  a  bulky  affair  and  looks  as  if 
all  the  Republicans  were  turning  Democrats.  And  yet 
there  was  much  in  the  nature  of  things,  when  Mr.  Hun- 
ter undertook  his  mission,  that  well  might  have  caused 
him  to  hesitate.  It  was  not  an  "  off""  year  in  politics. 
A  Presidential  election  was  fast  approaching.  The 
canvass  had  been  of  the  most  vigorous  character.  No 
argument  had  been  left  unused  by  the  participants  of 
either  party  in  the  eiFort  to  keep  men  within  their  party 
lines.  Where  reason  was  deemed  insufficient  as  a  means 
of  persuasion,  other  means  were  resorted  to.    Men  were 


THE  FALL  OF  B08SISM.  43 

terrified,  coerced  and  driven  into  the  support  of  one  ticket 
OT  another  by  both  parties.  Party  lines  had  never  been 
more  tightly  drawn.  Under  the  circumstances  it  required 
no  little  courage  and  determination  to  take  upon  oneself 
the  position  assumed  by  Mr.  Hunter.  The  fear  among  Re- 
publicans of  the  class  in  which  he  sought  support  for  his 
Democratic  protege,  of  doing  anything  that  would  operate 
against  the  chances  of  the  Presidential  ticket  might  be 
expected  to  have  yielded  his  efforts  nothing  but  failure. 
That  fear  did  move  some  to  decline  to  support  the  Patti- 
son  movement  at  first,  but  as  time  elapsed,  there  were  few 
among  those  who  had  been  applied  to  who  did  not  recon- 
sider their  determination.  A  conspicuous  illustration  of 
the  caution  with  which  the  proposition  to  break  party 
lines  in  a  campaign  of  such  importance  was  received  at 
the  outset,  is  furnished  by  the  case  of  Mr.  E.  Dunbar 
Lockwood.  The  Union  League  Club  had  no  Republican 
who  was  more  conservative  than  he,  albeit  his  Re" 
publicanism  had  long  been  at  war  with  the  methods  of 
those  who  had  constituted  themselves  not  leaders,  but 
dictators  of  the  party  and  whose  policy  was  embodied  in 
that  one  word  which  had  lately  come  into  universal  use, 
Bossism.  Yet,  Mr.  Lockwood,  being  a  strong  supporter 
of  Garfield  for  President  was  unwilling,  much  as  he  ap- 
plauded any  movement  that  would  crush  out  Bossism  and 
McManesism, — which  in  Philadelphia  were  synonymous, 
— to  sign  his  name  to  the  address  in  Mr.  Pattison's  in- 
terest, when  solicited  to  do  so  by  Mr.  Hunter,  believing 
the  Pattison  scheme  might  impair  the  chances  for  the 
election  of  Garfield.  At  the  same  time  he  expressed 
sympathy  for  the  movement  and  stated  that  he  meant  to 
vote  for  Pattison.    After  events   brought  a  change  in 


44  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

Dunbar  Lockwood's  mind,  and  lie  too  was  numbered 
among  the  "  renegades" — and  worse  !  For  there  came  a 
time  very  soon  afterward  when  he  was  most  active  in 
organizing  a  movement  that  was  destined  to  sweep  over 
the  sadly  misgoverned  city  of  Philadelphia  like  a  strong, 
health-laden  wind  over  a  land  of  pestilence,  destroying 
the  strongholds  of  corruption  and  laying  low  in  the  dust 
the  structure  of  Bossism  and  all  its  attendant  evils.  The 
occasion  when  Mr.  Lockwood's  declaration  in  favor  of 
Mr.  Pattison's  re-election  was  announced  was  most  time- 
ly. It  was  within  a  week  of  the  day  of  election.  The 
movement  in  favor  of  Pattison  among  the  people,  irre- 
spective of  parties,  had  been  so  spontaneous  that  it  may 
be  said  to  have  been  unanimous.  Of  all  the  orators  who 
had  been  pressed  into  service  by  McManesism  there  was 
but  one  who  ventured  to  differ  with  the  practically  un- 
animous sentiment  of  the  people,  and  to  assail  Controller 
Pattison.  This  orator  was  General  Wagner,  or  "Re- 
corder" Wagner,  as  he  was  familiarly  known  by  reason 
of  his  official  position  as  Recorder  of  Deeds.  There  was 
a  time  beiore  his  election  to  the  Recordership,  when 
General  Wagner  in  Common  Council  was  so  active  in 
the  cause  of  reform  that  he  was  classed  with  such  con- 
scientious representatives  as  Messrs.  Caven,  Hunter  and 
Page.  He  was  then  a  strong  supporter  of  the  methods 
of  Controller  Pattison.  The  change  of  views  which  his 
election  to  an  office  of  profit  seemed  to  involve,  subjected 
him  to  much  criticism  on  the  part  of  his  former  associates 
in  Council,  President  Caven  particularly,  in  public 
speeches  in  the  Pattison  campaign  being  fond  of  drawing 
comparisons  between  "  Wagner  the  Reformer"  and 
"Wagner  the  Recorder."      He  was  likewise  criticised 


THE  FALL   OF  BOSSISM.  45 

by  Journalism  which,  being  long  of  memory,  com- 
pared the  views  of  the  General  Wagner  of  the  past 
with  those  of  the  General  Wagner  of  the  present, 
and  caused  the  friends  of  that  misunderstood  disciple 
of  reform  to  feel  some  concern.  The  General's  speech 
against  Controller  Pattison  was  delivered  within  ten  days 
of  the  election.  One  of  the  first  effects  it  produced 
was  a  letter*  to  Controller  Pattison,  from  Dunbar 
Lockwood,  who  up  to  this  time  had  been  silent,  in  which 
he  announced  himself  as  a  supporter  of  the  Controller 
for  re-election  and  explained  the  causes  which  had 
prompted  him  to  withhold  his  signature  from  the  address 
when  called  upon  by  Mr.  Hunter.  "  No  better  beginning 
of  the  work  of  Municipal  reform  can  be  made  than  your 
re-election,"  wrote  Mr.  Lockwood,  "  as  it  will  encourage 
all  good  citizens  to  make  a  determined  effort  in  February 
next  to  secure  honest  government  for  this  city." 


*  Mr.  Lockwood's  note,  which,  coming  as  it  did  unexpectedly,  created 
a  sensation  in  political  circles,  and  greatly  encouraged  the  supporter* of 
Pattison,  was  as  follows : 

Philadelphia,  October  27th,  1880. 
Robert  E.  Pattison, 

Dem- Sir :— When  in  August  last  I  was  asked  to  sign  the  address  re- 
commending you  for  re-election  as  City  Controller  i  expressed  my  sym- 
pathy for  the  movement,  although  a  Republican,  and  my  intention  to 
vote  "for  you.  but  declined  to  then  sign  the  paper  submitted,  as  I  believed 
it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  Republican,  however  unintluential,  to  refuse 
to  do  auj-thing  that  might  impair  the  chances  of  the  election  of  General 
Garlieldin  the  slightest  degree,  believing  the  maintenance  of  Republican 
principles  in  national  affairs  superior  to  all  local  issues. 

But  Philadelphia  and  Pennsylvania  are  now  sur(»  for  General  Garfield 
and  Republicans  who  desire  to  rebuke  the  "ring"  can  .safely  vote  for 
you  for  City  Controller,  and  thus  assist  in  the  overthrow  of  that  com- 
bination of  "  bosses"  who  have  too  long  ruled  Philadelphia. 

No  better  beginning  of  the  work  or  Municipal  reform  can  be  made 
than  your  re-election,  as  it  will  encourage  all  good  citizens  to  make  a  de- 
term|ced  effort  in  February  next  to  secure  honest  government  for  this 
city.  Yours  truly, 

E.  DiTisrBAB  Lockwood. 

P.  S.— I  concluded  to  write  this  note  after  reading  General  Wagner's 
speech. 


46  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

Meantime  the  Democrats  have  renominated  Pattison. 
James  McManes  sees  the  struggle  for  the  Controllership 
is  going  to  be  desperate.  He  finally  decides  upon  a 
candidate  to  stand  against  the  formidable  young  candi- 
date of  the  Democracy, — Mr.  Joel  Cook,  financial  editor 
of  the  Public  Ledger.  Mr.  Childs  and  his  Ledger,  how- 
ever, have  been  rapidly  drifting  to  the  support  of  Patti- 
son. Before  Mr.  Cook's  letter  of  acceptance  has  been 
two  days  in  the  light  of  publicity  the  Ledger  comes  out 
in  editorial  announcement  defining  its  position.  It  will 
support  Mr.  Pattison  notwithstanding  one  of  its  most 
trusted  and  valued  employees  is  the  candidate  of  the 
party  of  which  the  Ledger's  proprietor  is  a  member. 

Complications  beset  the  pathway  of  McManesism  from 
this  hour.  Most  serious  of  all  is  the  discovery  that  Mr. 
Cook  in  his  younger  days  was  a  Democrat.  Journalism 
in  the  interest  of  Pattison  unearths  from  the  archives  of  a 
past  era  a  Democratic  speech  which  Candidate  Cook  de- 
]  ivered  in  his  s(;hool-boy  days  before  he  had  attained  a  suffi- 
cient age  to  entitle  him  to  vote,  which  speech  sounded 
strangely  like  that  of  a  sympathizer  with  secession. 
Enough  Candidate  Cook!  Opposition  journals  freely 
parade  this  speech  befoit  the  eyes  of  the  Republican 
peqple,  and  Mr.  Cook,  to  relieve  his  party  from  embar- 
rassment, withdraws  from  the  field. 

The  day  of  election  is  close  at  hand.  James  McManes 
and  his  political  aids  realize  that  they  must  act  quickly 
if  they  would  recover  vantage  ground  lost.  Hastily  do 
they  seize  a  new  candidate,  who,  to  journalism  is  some- 
what of  a  stranger.  E.  Harper  Jeffries  is  a  name  that 
has  not  been  familiar  in  politics.  Yet,  that  he  is  the 
candidate  of  McManesism  is  considered  evidence  enough 


THE   FALL  OP  BOSSISM.  47 

tliat  he  is  not  unacquainted  witli  the  Gas  Trust  Chief. 
After  some  inquiry  about  the  new  candidate  enough  is 
learned  by  the  newspapers  to  warrant  the  placing  before 
the  public  of  a  brief  biography,  by  which  it  would 
appear  that  Candidate  Jeffries  has  upon  a  time  been 
unfortunate  in  business,  for  which  reason  his  friends 
would  fain  give  him  office  that  he  might  with,  the  Con- 
troller's salary,  repair  his  lost  fortunes. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  unorganized  Reform  element, 
Democratic  and  Republican,  have  been  active  in  the 
cause  of  Pattison.  The  contest  at  this  stage  was  peculiar. 
Notwithstanding  the  feeling  that  in  the  excitement  of 
a  Presidential  campaign  the  effort  to  elect  a  Democrat  to 
the  Presidency  would  be  most  formidable,  the  Republi- 
can as  well  as  the  Democratic  friends  of  Reform  deter- 
mined to  leave  no  stone  unturned  in  the  endeavor  to 
return  Pattison.  It  was  decided  to  hold  a  mass  meeting 
of  Republicans  to  urge  his  retention  in  office  because  of 
his  non-partisanship  and  efficiency.  At  a  time  when  the 
streets  were  filled  with  the  parading  organizations  of 
both  parties  and  the  public  halls  were  devoted  to  the 
discussion  of  great  political  questions,  it  seemed  a 
hazardous  undertaking  to  induce  an  excited  population 
to  listen  to  reason,  and  to  discriminate  in  favor  of  so 
apparently  humble  an  officer.  The  meeting  was  held 
on  October  30th,  1880,  and  the  little  band*  that  gathered 


*"0n  the  stage  were  *  *  *  Edward  T.  Steel,  Joseph  L.  Caven, 
Councilman  John  Hunter,  Thomas  Walter,  John  J.  Ridgvvay,  Jr., 
John  Field,  William  Arrott,  Robert  R.  Corson,  George  H.  Earle, 
Richard  P.  White,  Uselma  C.  Hmith,  James  Spear,  James  Shed- 
wick,  Godfrey  Keebler,  T.  Morris  I'erot,  John  A.  Clark,  William  Bradley 
and  manv  others.  Shortly  after  eight  o'clock,  John  Field  proposed  that 
Edward  T.  Steel  be  elected  Chairman  of  the  Meeting,  which  was  unani- 
monsly  agreed  to.  The  following  gentlemen  were  elected  Vice-Presi- 
dents:—John  Hunter,  Evan  liaudolph,  Henry  C.  Lea,  Charles  Wheeler, 


48  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

on  the  stage  of  Horticultural  Hall,  as  tliey  looked  on  the 
partially  filled  benches,  and  heard  the  music  and  huzzas 
from  the  great  Republican  mass  meeting  in  the  neigh- 
borirg  Academy  of  Music,  could  not  but  feel  that  it  was 
a  hopeless  fight  amidst  such  great  contending  elements. 
The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  John  Field,  who, 
like  Dunbar  Lockwood,  before  many  weeks  had  num- 
bered this  occasion  among  the  things  past,  was  destined 
to  play  a  still  more  important  part  in  a  broader  si)here, 
in  that  new  movement  which  even  now  was  in  its  incipient 
stage.  As  presiding  officer,  they  elected  by  unanimous 
vote,  Edward  T.  Steele,  whom  we  know  as  President  of 
the  Board  of  Education.  Though  the  number  was  small 
and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  hour  seemed  to  be  monopolized 
by  the  great  Republican  demonstration  in  the  interest  of 
the  National  ticket,  next  door,  where  a  Republican 
orator*  was  electrifying  the  proud  and  confident 
followers  of  the  leading  party  by  a  summary  of  the 
things  great  (without  any  mention  of  the  things  small) 
which  it  had  accomplished  in  its  eventful  career,  it  may 
be  doubted  if  the  humble  gathering  in  the  modestly 
appointed  hall  did  not  represent  the  principles  of  the 
fouuders  of  the  Republican  party  more  truly  than  did  its 


Clayton  French,  James  Long,  George  Bnrnham,  James  Whittaker,  E. 
Dunbar  Jjockwooci,  John  McLaughlin,  Wm.  O.  Knowles,  R.  C.  McMur- 
trie,  Thas.  H.  Shoemaker,  James  11.  Gay,  Thomas  A.  Harris.  Edw.  H. 
Rowley,  Wm.  E.  Lockwood,  Wm.  G.  Hteel,  S.  A.  C'oyle,  J.  T.  Audeiireid, 
Chas.  T.  Parry,  K.  S.  I'aschall,  Solomon  Smucker,  John  I'enington, 
Joseph  Irvine,  Wm.  Howell,  Alex.  Whilldln,  Thos.  R.  Cope,  Wm.  Rotch 
Wister,  John  P.  Woolverton,  Jno.  B.  Garrett,  Fred'k  Fraley,  Adam  A. 
Catanach,  Edw'd  W.  Woolman,  Blaney  ITarvey,  Thos.  Riddle,  Johp 
Blakely,  Isaac  Bartram,  E.  W.  Clark.  Joshua  L.  Rally,  Thomas  Rradley, 
Jos.  B.  Townsend,  Edmnnd  Lewis,  Chas.  Spencer,  Gpo.  w.  Elkins,  Jos. 
R.  Rhoades,  Isadore  Schloss,  Jas.  K.  Yoang,  Wm.  M.  Wilson,  T.  Morris 
Perot,  Jas.  Trimble,  Thos.  Scott,  William  Wood."— T/ie  Times,  Oct.  31, 
1880. 

*Colonel  A.  Louden  Snowden 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  49 

pretentious  neighbor.  In  tlie  latter  case  the  meeting 
was  mainly  under  the  auspices  of  the  Federal  office- 
holders and  place-men  of  the  party,  and  could,  therefore, 
hardly  be  described  as  representative  in  character.  In 
the  former  instance  the  occasion  was  altogether  under 
the  charge  of  Republicans  drawn  together,  not  by  con- 
siderations of  self-interest,  not  for  the  purpose  of  ad- 
vancing one  of  their  number  that  their  own  political 
welfare  might  thus  be  secured,  but  that  they  might  insure 
the  re-election  of  a  faithful  Democratic  Municiijal  officer 
on  whose  behalf  they  appeared  there  wholly  from  a  sense 
of  duty.  Not  with  the  principles  of  the  party  were  these 
men  at  war,  but  with  the  methods  of  those,  who,  in 
Philadelphia  had  constituted  themselves  the  party 
leaders.  The  distinction  was  well  explained  by  Pre- 
siding officer  Steele  as  he  took  the  Chair.  "  These  men," 
said  he,  speaking  of  those  who  had  so  long  controlled  in 
the  politics  of  the  city,  "have  no  authority  from  the 
Republicans  of  Philadelphia,  nor  have  they  any  sym- 
pathy for  the  humanitarian  or  patriotic  purposes  of  the 
party.  As  a  pirate  ship  hauls  to  its  peak  the  flag  of  a 
great  nation  to  protect  itself,  so  these  persons  have  raised 
the  sublime  banner  of  the  Republican  party  to  preserve 
them  from  the  indignation  justly  engendered  by  their 
arbitrary  acts." 

Bold  and  fearless  words !  Such  sparks  of  dissatisfac- 
tion have  lately  begun  to  be  alarmingly  frequent.  Here 
on  this  night  away  from  the  glare  of  party  temptations 
and  party  folly  do  we  see  other  familiar  faces, — those  of 
President  Caven,  John  J.  Ridgway,  Jr.,  and  bluff  Reform 
agitator,  Thomas  Walter.  Mr.  Ridgway,  who  is  intro- 
duced as  the  next  speaker,  is  no  stranger.     For  years  has 


50  THE     FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

his  name  shone  with  extreme  brilliancy  in  a  galaxy  of 
young  Eeformers,  typical  of  which  was  the  much 
lamented  noble  young  orator  Henry  Armitt  Brown ; 
and  also  is  he  known  as  a  member  of  the  old  Citizen's 
Municipal  Eeform  Association  which,  however,  for  the 
past  two  or  three  years  has  not,  as  an  organization,  par- 
ticipated in  election  contests.  Citizen  Ridgway,  to  whom 
the  business  of  urging  the  claims  of  faithful  officers  to 
the  consideration  of  voters  is  consequently  not  new,  now 
speaks  eloquently  for  Candidate  Pattison.  He  tells  his 
hearers  that  the  Controller  has  administered  the  duties 
of  his  office  for  the  best  interests  of  the  whole  commu- 
nity; that  a  judicious  policy  would  have  prevented  a 
nomination  against  him,  but  such  policy  has  been  scouted 
by  the  "  leaders  "  who  hope  that  in  the  heat  of  a  bitterly 
contested  Presidential  election  "citizens  will  not  exercise 
intelligence  and  deliberation  enough  to  divide  the 
issues."  Such  course  he  believes  is  a  mistake ;  for, 
through  the  continuous  efforts  of  the  Municipal  Eeform 
Association  for  the  last  ten  years,  the  masses  of  the 
people  have  been  educated  to  a  higher  standard  of  politi- 
cal determination.  Year  after  year  the  Eeformers  had 
stood  in  the  breach,  and  the  people  were  being  gradually 
brought  to  see  that  i>artisanship  in  municipal  affairs  was 
a  most  unworthy  and  expensive  guide.  "  If  the  people 
will  rise  to  the  occasion,"  says  Citizen  Eidgway,  "they 
will  find  they  have  firmly  planted  themselves  in  a  posi- 
tion which  must  lead  to  further  advancement  to  that 
reformed  city  government  which  is  so  much  needed  in 
Philadelphia." 

Citizen  Thomas  Walter  next  makes  an  earnest  appeal 
for  the  young  Controller.     Plain  and  blunt,  and  rugged 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 


51 


in  appearance,  is  this  man  ;  a  scoffer  at  fine  spun  phrases 
and  studied  periods,  believing  that  man's  reason  is  most 
easily  reached  by  unpremeditated,  extemporaneous 
speech.  In  the  delivery  of  which  unstudied  harangue, 
one  finds  him  versatile,  entertaining  and  original;  his 
address  abounding  with  quaint  comparisons,  striking 
similes,  scriptural  quotations  and  with  frequent  bursts  of 
irresistible  humor.  Last  of  all  do  we  hear  the  speaker 
of  the  evening,  the  noted  President  Caven,  without  whose 
presence  in  these  times  a  Reform  meeting  would  seem  to 
be  lacking  one  of  the  things  essential  to  its  proper  classi- 
fication. Before  the  Reform  people  he  stands  to-night, 
his  official  designation,  "  Councilman "  Caven,  being  a 
justification  of  the  work  of  Citizen  Ridgway's  Municipal 
Reform  Association,  as  also  of  the  efforts  of  Citizen 
Walter  and  Citizen  George  H.  Earle  who,  as  fellow- 
residents  with  the  Reform  Councilman  in  the  Fifteenth 
Ward,  have  done  their  part  in  the  agitation  which  has 
given  their  ward  such  a  worthy  representative. 

Clear  and  logical,  and  in  some  respects,  remarkable,  is 
the  speech  of  President  Caven's,  the  din  and  thunder  of 
applause  in  the  neighboring  Academy  detracting  not 
from  his  earnestness  but  adding  to  it  by  tacit  appreciation 
of  the  contrast.  "As  a  Republican,"  says  the  speaker, 
"  I  propose  to  vote  on  next  Tuesday  for  General  Garfield 
because  the  best  interests  of  the  country  demand  that  no 
change  be  made  in  the  National  administration  ;  and  I 
propose  to  vote  for  Robert  E.  Pattison  for  Controller, 
because  the  best  interests  of  Philadelphia  demand  that 
no  change  be  made  in  the  administration  of  that  office." 
Which  utterance  is  received  with  spontaneous  applause. 
The  speaker  has  something  to  say  about  the  course  of 


52 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 


"Recorder"  Wagner;  proceeding  to  answer  in  detail* 
the  charges  made  by  that  nondescript  official  in  his 
speech  against  Pattison,  whicli  answer  is  received  by  his 
audience  with  demonstrations  of  approval.  And,  in 
closing,  there  is  a  peroration,  which  is  not  alone  remark- 
able but  prophetic;  which  peroration  electrifies  the 
audience,  evoking  the  wildest  and  most  enthusiastic 
applause  of  the  evening.  "We  hear,"  says  Citizen 
Caven,  "mutterings  and  rumblings  of  a  political  storm 
which  will  be  upon  us  after  the  Presidential  election. 
A  storm  that  promises  to  sweep  away  the  Gas  Trust  with 
all  its  vast  patronage, — closed  doors,  unvouched  accounts 
and  great  political  power.  If  you  want  that  storm  to  do 
any  good,  if  you  desire  the  forked  lightning  to  clear 
the  political  atmosphere,  then  I  beseech  you  do  not 
permit  the  citadel  of  the  Treasury,  the  Controller's  office, 
to  pass  into  the  hands  of  a  ring.  If  you  do,  any  victory 
gained  afterward  will  be  as  the  vine  of  Sodom  and  the 
fields  of  Gomorrah." 

Such  was  the  tone  and  the  character  of  this  last  im- 
portant Reform  meeting  held  before  the  Presidential 
election  of  November,  1880.  Important  because  it  was 
held  at  a  time  when  the  movement  for  Reform  in  Phila- 
adelphia  had  reached  a  crisis,  the  turning  point  being 
the  election  to  come  off  three  days  later,  when  it  Avould 
be  decided  whether  the  Reform  teachings  of  the  past  few 
years  had  taken  enough  jhold  on  the  people  to  produce  a 
sufficient  number  of  discriminating  Republican  voters  to 
re-elect  the  faithful  Democratic  Controller  to  office,  not- 
withstanding the  excitement  over  the  National  contest  in 


*See  appendix. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  63 

which  each  party  was  exerting  itself  to  the  utmost  to 
carry  the  day.  The  proceedings  of  this  meeting,  spread 
before  the  people  by  the  press,  had  their  effect.  The  re- 
sult was  a  political  phenomenon  in  the  history  of  Phila- 
delphia. The  rest  of  the  Democratic  ticket  was  defeated 
by  over  20,000  votes,  while  Pattison  was  elected  by  more 
than  13,000 ! !  A  change  of  nearly  34,000  votes.  It  was 
evident  that  the  people  were  aroused,  and  needed  only 
leadership  to  defeat  the  combination  that  had  so  long 
held  them  in  disgraceful  thrall. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

RETROSPECTIVE  AND  INFORMAL. 

By  this  election  of  Pattison  several  things  are  demon- 
strated. First,  it  is  clearly  shown  that  "  able  politicians" 
are  sometimes  bad  prophets ;  that  their  predictions,  how- 
ever carefully  framed  and  sagely  delivered  will,  in  spite 
of  reputed  skill  and  sagacity,  at  times  turn  out  to  be  not 
wise  predictions,  as  one  might  suppose  from  the  philo- 
sophic deliberateness  with  which  they  are  uttered,  but 
rather  the  wildest  sort  of  wild  guessing.  Heavy  ma- 
jorities, which  are  so  surely  going  to  "vindicate"  the 
whole  brood  of  party  pensioners,  although  widely  and 
triumphantly  announced  beforehand,  are  not  forth- 
coming, which  would  seem  to  indicate  that  promises  are 
cheaper  in  the  political  shop  than  performance.  Only  a 
few  days  before  the  election  of  Pattison  James  McManes 
was  a  most  sanguine  man,  Mr.  Jeffries  was  not  only  go- 
ing to  be  elected  Controller,  but  he  was  going  to  be 
elected  by  a  great  majority.  Such  ill-success  in  the  pro- 
phet-business under  ordinary  conditions  one  might  sup- 
pose would  weaken  the  faith  of  humanity  in  the  prophets, 
but  whether  from  the  gift  of  an  abundance  of  audacity 
which  enables  these  political  Elishas  to  overlook  a  slight 
(54) 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  56 

circumstance,  like  a  failure  of  fulfillment  or  from  some 
other  cause,  they  invariably  return  to  their  prophet's 
habiliments  with  renewed  confidence  and  unfailing  gar- 
rulity. 

Another  fact  demonstrated  by  Pattison's  election  is 
that  the  body  of  the  people  is  stronger  than  cliques  and 
combinations  however  much  schooling  in  secret  and 
questionable  arts  the  latter  may  have  had ;  and  further, 
that  the  people  are  not  yet  ready  to  make  a  change  in  the 
old  order  of  things  that  would  reverse  the  positions  of 
master  and  servant,  particularly  when  it  is  seen  that  the 
latter  has  some  very  bad  traits  of  character,  principal 
among  which  is  a  tendency  toward  filching.  It  de- 
monstrates also  how  weak  are  political  conspiracies  after 
all  when  built  upon  abused  trusts  and  violated  principles ; 
upon  sacrificed  public  interests,  outraged  confidences  and 
privileges  perverted  and  misused.  It  shows  that  there  is 
a  point  which  a  base  and  unscrupulous  class  of  men  un- 
der certain  peculiar  conditions  in  a  community,  may 
reach  in  the  operation  of  their  secret  schemes  for  enrich- 
ment at  the  public  expense,  when  the  tide  of  success 
changes  and  under  the  wrath  of  their  thoroughly  aroused 
victims,  their  fortunes  take  a  downward  turn  to  the  cer- 
tain destination  of  men's  contempt,  whether  such  destina- 
tion involves  prisons  or  the  lasting  stigma  of  felons  un- 
branded  by  statute  law.  To  what  depth  the  politics  of 
the  city  was  degraded  under  the  influence  of  such  men, 
let  the  non-partisan  journals  of  the  time  bear  witness. 
Their  columns  teemed  with  accounts  of  the  lawless 
methods  employed  by  them  to  overcome  the  people's  will 
at  the  polls,  chief  among  which  was  the  importation  of  a 
large  number  of  criminals  and  desperate  characters  from 
3 


66  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

other  cities  expressly  to  take  a  hand  in  polluting  the 
ballot.  Into  the  various  wards  they  flocked  like  hungry 
vultures  come  to  destroy.  By  pre-arrangement  with  the 
police  they  had  practically  a  clear  field  and  were  free  to 
pursue  their  lawless  course  with  little  fear  of  interrup- 
tion and  indeed  with  the  assurance  from  those  who  held 
the  police  department  under  their  power,  of  aid  and  pro- 
tection in  the  work  of  pollution  and  crime.  With  their 
immunity  from  arrest  guaranteed  it  may  well  be  imaginedj 
taking  into  consideration  the  character  of  the  men,  that 
opposition  on  the  part  of  orderly  and  well  disposed 
citizens  would  find  but  little  toleration.  Accustomed  to 
resort  to  violence  upon  the  smallest  provocation  these 
men,  with  the  police  at  their  back,  intimidated  and 
bullied  wherever  they  appeared.  And  not  among  the 
police  alone  in  the  category  of  responsible  officials  did 
they  find  support  and  encouragement  for  their  acts.  The 
election  officers  were  in  many  cases  persons  who  had  been 
placed  in  their  positions  solely  to  further  and  complete 
the  criminal  work.  There  was  scarcely  a  ward  or  a  divi- 
sion in  the  city  in  which  the  Election  Boards  were  not 
represented  by  some  one  or  more  of  the  employes  of  the 
Gas  Trust,  of  the  Water  Department,  of  the  Highway 
Department,  of  the  Tax  Department,  of  the  City  Trea- 
surer's Department,  or  of  the  smaller  political  strong- 
holds over  which  the  political  dictators  held  unlimited 
sway  When  these  creatures  of  corruption  were  not 
found  on  the  Election  Boards,  they  might  safely  be 
looked  for  among  the  horde  of  visiting  repeaters  and 
ballot-box  stuffers  whose  knowledge  of  the  city  was  aided 
and  whose  criminal  operations  were  facilitated  by  the 
local  workers.    These  foreign  desperadoes  were  for  the 


THE   FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  67 

most  part  from  "Washington.  They  came  in  large  num- 
bers from  the  public  departments  there  and  may  be  said  to 
have  represented  the  worst  type  of  the  political  methods 
of  almost  every  State  in  the  Union.  It  mattered  not 
whether  they  were  from  Maine  or  from  California,  from 
Massachussetts-or  from  Texas,  they  all  had  been  schooled 
in  the  same  vicious  political  practices,  and  they  proved 
most  effective  in  thwarting  the  people's  will  and  prolong- 
ing the  lease  of  power  of  the  adventurers  who  had  en- 
trenched themselves  in  the  strong  places  of  the  city 
government.  They  were  led  by  one  Eussell,  himself  a 
Philadelphian,  whose  former  services  in  corrupting  the 
ballot  in  his  native  city  where  he  early  figured  in  politics, 
had  earned  for  him  substantial  recognition  from  the 
political  great  men  of  Philadelphia  who  through  their 
political  influence  had  placed  him  in  a  profitable  position, 
in  one  of  the  government  departments.  He  had  acquired 
for  himself  a  peculiar  distinction  as  a  leader  of  repeaters 
and  ballot-box  stuflers  of  the  worst  type,  and  no  im- 
portant election  came  on  that  he  was  not  looked  for 
anxiously  by  his  political  patrons  who  placed  such  a  high 
value  upon  his  services.  The  strictures  of  Col.  McClure 
in  his  Times  upon  this  notorious  personage  had,  for 
several  years  before  the  Pattison  election,  caused  him  to 
curtail  somewhat  the  flourish  with  which  he  was  wont  to 
appear  at  the  head  of  his  ragamuffins,  and  his  work  had 
latterly  been  performed  with  some  circumspection. 
Nevertheless  it  was  bold  enough  and,  in  its  effects  bad 
enough.  In  many  instances  his  acts  alone  frustrated  the 
people's  eflTorts  and  saved  to  the  politicians  important 
city  offices. 
That  the   government    departments   at  Washington 


58  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

turned  out  such,  disreputable  ratf  to  prey  upon  the 
rights  of  the  people  in  election  times  had  long  been  a 
cause  of  complaint  among  citizens  in  various  parts  of 
the  country.  Of  late,  however,  the  evil  had  forced  itself 
more  clearly  than  ever  upon  the  attention  of  patriotic 
men  of  both  political  parties  and  was  enlisting  discussion 
in  the  newspapers  and  periodicals  of  the  land.  Phila- 
delphia with  its  proud  revolutionary  history  and  its  en- 
viable patriotic  record  had  seen  with  humiliation  the 
rights  of  its  people  frittered  away,  the  even  course  of  its 
government  interrupted  and  rudely  transformed  from  a 
government  of  the  people  to  a  government  of  political 
Bosses-  whose  power  had  been  built  upon  this  pollution 
of  the  ballot  and  upon  countless  forms  of  bribery, 
upon  the  corruption  of  legislators,  councilmen  and  public 
officials  generally.  At  the  bottom  of  all  the  trouble,  this 
cheating  at  the  polls,  this  temporary  outflow  from  the 
the  public  departments  at  Washington  of  ballot-box 
stufFers  and  repeaters  for  distribution  throughout  the 
country  to  do  their  knavish  work,  seemed  to  be  the  one 
evil  that  was  tangible,  that  was  clearly  enough  established 
and  defined  to  take  hold  of  and,  if  possible,  to  crush  out 
of  existence  in  the  name  of  the  law.  Fierce  and  un- 
ceasing were  the  assaults  of  Col.  McClure  upon  the  wily 
Eussell  and  his  desperate  crew  ;  louder  and  more  general 
became  the  murmurs  of  citizens  of  both  parties  over  the 
fearful  demoralization  of  the  police  and  of  the  election 
boards,  until  at  the  time  of  the  Pattison  election  the 
signs  of  a  coming  change  were  apparent  in  the  political 
sky. 

If  Bossism  ever  reflects  there  is  no  time  like  this,  when 
the  flush  of  enthusiasm  is  still  red  on  the  cheeks  of  the 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  59 

Pattisonites  to  do  so.  It  will  find  much  to  conjure  up, 
much  to  think  out,  before  it  can  thoroughly  reconcile 
itself  to  its  latest  misfortune.  Eeasons  for  its  defeat  it 
professes  not  to  see.  And  in  this  fact  there  would  appear 
to  be  evidence  of  an  obtuseness  of  perception  not  con- 
sistent with  the  idea  of  clear-sighted  performances.  That 
it  should  have  its  own  way  absolutely  even  to  the  smallest 
details  of  things  is  rather  too  much  to  expect  of  any 
power  or  persons  this  side  of  royalty,  and  even  not  al- 
ways there.  Counter  influences  of  more  or  less  effect 
there  always  will  be  to  curb  the  avarice  and  vain  ambi- 
tions of  men,  and  such  influences  have  been  at  work  here 
long,  patiently  and,  at  times,  noiselessly.  Was  there  not 
a  memorable  meeting  of  citizens  held  in  the  office  of 
citizen  Henry  C.  Lea,  renowned  writer,  thinker,  and 
publisher  of  scientific  and  medical  works,  nine  years  be- 
fore in  the  publisher's  building  on  Sansom  street,  at 
which  there  originated  a  "  Citizens'  Municipal  Reform 
Association,"*  which   association  came   into  being  to 

*  The  act,  signed  by  Governor  Oeary  in  the  summer  of  1870,  creating 
the  Public  Building  Commission,  maybe  regarded  as  the  origin  of  the 
reform  movement  in  Philadelphia.  B3'  creating  a  body  with  unlimited 
tenure  of  ofQce,  with  power  to  fill  all  vacancies,  with  authority  to  tax 
thfe  community  and  to  spend  the  public  money  without  restriction  or 
supervision,  this  act  was  so  subversive  of  all  the  principles  of  self- 
goverumeut  that  when  its  provisions  came  to  be  fully  understood,  it 
aroused  general  indignation.  When  the  Legislature  met  in  the  winter  of 
1871,  an  agitation  therefor  arose  for  its  repeal.  Petitions  to  this  effect, 
bearing  upwards  of  twenty-thousand  signatures,  were  sent  to  Harris- 
burg,  and  at  a  crowded  meeting  held  in  the  Academy  of  Music  in  March, 
a  committee  was  appointed  to  wait  upon  the  Legislature  and  endeavor 
to  secure  the  passage  of  a  repealing  act.  tThat  committee  in  its  report 
stated  that  its  object  could  not  be  effected  without  the  expenditure  of 
money ,  and  that  public  rumor  at  Ilarrisburg  openly  designated  the  sums 
which  had  been  paid  to  defeat  the  measure. 

A.  mass  meeting,  held  in  June,  lS71,to  which  this  report  was  made, 
tSeo  appendix. 


60  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

"  reform  tbe  government  of  the  city  and  secure  a  better 
class  of  representatives  in  the  Legislature,"  a  movement 
which  as  a  Counter  Influence,  did  in  reality  perform 
great  things.  It  discovered  Caven  and  elected  him  to 
Councils,  and  it  discovered  Pattison  in  1877  and  placed 
him  for  the  first  time,  notwithstanding  Bossism's  opposi- 

considered  the  whole  question  of  local  misgovernment,  of  which  this 
legislative  corrnption  was  only  a  single  feature,  and  it  authorized  Its  pre- 
siding officer  to  appoint  a  committee  consisting  of  two  citizens  from  each 
Ward  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  select  the  best  candidates  from  the 
party  tickets,  and  to  make  independent  nominations  for  municipal  and 
legislatiTe  offlcea,  when  neither  of  the  regular  candidates  was  worthy  of 
support. 

It  was  not  an  easy  task  to  find  citizens  to  serve  on  this  committee.  The 
violent  partieanship  resulting  from  the  rebellion  was  still  generally 
diffused  throughout  the  community.  Municipal  burdens  were  lightly 
felt  in  an  era  of  expansion  and  paper  money;  the  attention  of  the  people 
had  not  been  called  to  misrule  and  corruption,  and  there  was  nota  news- 
paper in  Philadelphia  to  espouse  the  cause  of  reform.  During  the  hot 
months  of  summer  no  action  was  possible,  and  at  that  period  there  was 
but  one  election  held  in  the  year,  on  the  second  Tuesday  of  October. 
When  September  came,  therefore,  the  Committee  was  but  partially 
formed,  and  It  had  but  three  weeks  in  which  to  conduct  the  campaign, 
when  it  organized  with  the  following  membership:  K.  liundle  Smith. 
Charles  H.  Mcllvalne,  Thomas  Webster,  Charles  S.  Ogden,  George  Bull, 
James  Page,  Edward  Penington,  Jr.,  Richard  Garsed,  Archibald  Camp- 
bell. Matthew  Baird,  Henry  C.  Lea,  Caleb  H.  Needles,  L.  P.  Ashmead, 
Charles  Rogers,  David  W.  Sellers,  Charles  Wheeler,  Robert  B.  Corson, 
B.  P.  Hunt  and  H.  McAllister,  Jr. 

The  registry  and  election  laws  in  those  days  gave  to  the  majority  party 
almost  unlimited  power  to  decide  who  should  vote  and  how  the  vote 
should  be  counted.  There  was  also  a  technical  device  which  greatly  en- 
hanced the  difflcnlty  of  the  canvass  for  independent  candidates.  This 
was  known  as  the  "slip-ticket"  system,  under  which  the  names  of  all 
candidates  voted  for  were  required  tobe  printed  on  a  single  slip  of  paper, 
headed  by  the  number  of  the  Ward  and  election  division;  so  that,  if  a 
single  Independent  candidate  for  a  municipal  office  were  placed  in  the 
field  it  became  necessary  to  print  a  separate  and  complete  ticket  for 
every  one  of  the  six  or  seven  hundred  election  districts  in  Philadelphia, 
bearing  the  names  of  every  candidate  to  be  voted  for,  from  governor 
down  to  election  officers— while,  if  votes  were  expected  from  both  par- 
ties, a  complete  duplicate  sot  of  tickets  became  requisite. 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  61 

tion,  in  the  office  of  Controller.  It  had  been  fighting  for 
good  men  and  principles  up  until  the  city  elections  of 
1878,  when  it  contested  fiercely  with  Bossism  for  the 
offices  of  Mayor,  Eeceiver  of  Taxes,  and  City  Solicitor, 
presenting  for  the  suffrages  of  the  people  the  names  of 
Caven,  Craycroft,  and  West.     That  it  was  unsuccessful 

Despite  these  difficulties,  the  Committee  made  up  a  ticket  composed  of 
the  best  candidates  of  both  parties,  with  two  or  three  independent  nomi- 
nations, and  conducted  a  spirited  canvas.?.  It  was,  however,  unable  to 
perfect  any  organization  of  the  city;  it  was  tl;e  object  of  attack  by  both 
parties;  in  many  wards  its  ticket  was  not  obtainable  on  the  day  of  elec- 
tion, and  in  many  cases  those  who  attempted  to  canvass  it  were  driven 
from  the  ground.  Still,  it  was  credited  with  3500  votes  in  the  returns  and 
it  had  reason  to  believe  that  it  had  polled  at  least  double  that  number. 

Encouraged  by  these  results,  it  was  determined  to  form  a  more  com- 
plete organization.  With  this  object  in  view  twelve  citizens  assembled 
at  the  office  of  Henry  C.  Lea,  on  Sansom  street,  on  the  2Cth  of  October, 
1871.  At  this  time  the  abuses  prevalent  in  the  city  government  were  so 
deep  rooted  and  far  reaching  that  their  pernicious  effects  upon  the 
public  service  were  practically  without  check  and  without  limit.  The 
men  sent  to  Harrisburg  to  represent  the  city  in  the  Legislature  were, 
with  a  few  notable  exceptions,  a  scandal  and  a  reproach  to  the  name  of 
Philadelphia.  Their  excesses,  their  drunken  orgies,  in  times  when  the 
pitiable  condition  of  their  city,— swamped  with  debt  and  groaning  under 
the  impositions  and  the  exactions  of  the  political  bandits  whose  heels 
were  on  its  throat,— should  have  appealed  to  any  spark  of  patriotism 
that  lingered  in  their  hearts,  were  a  shame  and  a  disgrace  to  the  city  of 
American  Independence,  whose  groans  of  humiliation  were  heard 
throughout  the  entire  State.  In  the  city  itself  at  this  time,  beyond  the 
small  handful  of  self-sacriflcing  citizens  already  mentioned,  there  seemed 
to  be  no  corrective  agency  or  influence.  These  men  in  Harrisburg  were 
the  creatures  of  Bossi.'^m,  of  the  Gas  Trust,  that  centre  and  cardinal 
point  of  political  corruption.  With  the  Instinct  of  common  interests  and 
objects,  alliances  were  formed  with  men  of  similar  condition  sent  to  the 
Legislature  by  the  same  influences  I'rona  other  parts  of  the  State.  Com- 
bined they  were  all-powerful  in  securing  whatever  of  legislation  their 
masters  bade  them  secure,  and  when  they  returned  to  their  homes  it 
was  not  to  meet  with  and  explain  to  the  people  at  large  their  acts,  but 
to  come  together  with  their  masters  in  secret  club  room,  or  gambling 
house  and,  to  the  music  of  clinking  glasses  and  boisterous  laughter,  re- 
count tlie  means  whereby  they  had  swindled  the  people  and  bartered 
away  their  rights. 


C2  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

there  was  not  defeat,— only  triumph  postponed.  The 
earnest  work  of  six  years  shall  not  be  fruitless;  when 
the  proper  time  comes  there  will  be  a  harvest  worthy  of 
the  careful  husbandry  which  has  planted  the  seed  and 
tended  the  young  growth.  Such  movement,  springing 
from  men's  deep  convictions,  does  not,  once  it  begins  to 

Such  was  the  character  of  the  majority  of  the  men  who  were 
sent  to  Harrisburg  by  the  Gas  Trust  to  represent  Philadelphia  in  the 
Legislature  at  the  time  this  new  reform  element  was  ushered 
into  existence.  Those  citizens  who  answered  the  roll  call  at  the  first 
meeting  were  twelve  in  number,  viz. ;  Henry  C.  Lea,  Charles  Wheeler, 
Charles  Mcllvaine,  James  Page,  Thomas  Webster,  John  P.  Kidge- 
way,  Jr.,  Caleb  H.  Needles,  Robert  E.  Corson,  R.  Bundle  Smith,  Edward 
Peuington,  L.  P.  Ashmead  and  John  J.  McKenna.  They  organized 
themselves  into  an  executive  committee,  to  which  were  afterward  added 
the  names  of  William  Henry  Kawie,  J.  Hughes  Edwards,  and  Richard 
Garsed.  R.  Rundle  Smith  was  chosen  President  of  the  Association, 
Charles  Wheeler  Treasurer,  and  L.  P.  Ashmead  Secretary.  In  its  sub- 
sequent career  T.  Morris  Perot,  and  especially  the  late  Henry  Armitt 
Brown,  George  H.  Karle,  JohnMcLaughlin,  William  Welsh,  J.  Hays  Car- 
son, Henry  C.  Thompson,  William  Conway  and  Henry  B.  Tatham.  were 
active  and  efficient  members.  In  politics  the  Association  was  non. par- 
tisan, though  with  a  few  exceptions  its  members  were  Renublican. 

The  object  of  the  Municipal  Reform  Association,  as  proclaimed  at  the 
outset,  was  to  secure  an  improvement  in  the  management  of  municipal 
affairs,  regardless  of  party  lines ;  and  the  measures  to  which  it  specifical- 
ly devoted  itself  were  the  substitution  of  fixed  salaries  fur  fees,  the 
modification  of  the  registry  and  election  laws,  including  the  "'slip-ticket" 
system,  and.  in  the  then  approaching  constitutional  convention  to  obtain 
such  changes  in  the  constitution  as  should  limit  the  control  of  the  Legis- 
lature over  the  city  by  depriving  it  of  its  powers  of  evil  in  the  matter  of 
special  legislation.  In  all  these  objects  the  Association  was  successful; 
and  it  gradually,  in  spite  of  the  sneers  and  opposition  of  political  par- 
tisans and  leaders  on  both  sides,  was  enabled  to  educe  and  cultivate  a 
public  sentiment  which  rendered  further  reform  possible,  when  enough 
citizens  to  control  the  balance  of  power  became  accustomed  to  regard 
the  public  good  as'  superior  to  party  consid  rations,  and  to  co-operate  in 
Independent  action  The  second  election  of  Pattison,  in  ISSO,  showed 
that  this  had  been  accomplished,  and  that  wise  and  energetic  action 
alone  was  needed  In  the  future  to  guide  the  political  force  which  thus 
was  demonstrated  to  exist. 

The  method  of  the  Association  in  city  political  contests  had  been  to 
organize  auxiliary  Associations  in  the  various  wards.    It  elected  a  num- 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  63 

gather  force,  stop  half  way  and  harmlessly  retrace  its 
course.  Like  the  tornado  it  belongs  not  to  the  order  of 
things  that  rise  spasmodically  and  threaten,  then  fall  and 
disappear  without  destructive  effects.  Destiny  has  a  use 
for  those  vital  forces  in  man  which  are  stirred  by  an  in- 
fluence that  seems  above  and  beyond  himself — the  in- 

ber  of  good  men  to  Councils,  conspicuous  among  whom  was  President 
Caven.  In  the  ControUershlp  contest,  in  ls77,  it  co-operated  with  the 
Democrats  wlio  had  nominated  Pattison,  and  through  its  aid  he  was 
elected.  It  also  persistently  and  energetically  labored  to  effect,  by  the 
substitution  of  fixed  salaries  for  fees,  the  refoim  of  the  fee  system  of 
oliicial  remuneration.  No  abuse  was  more  glaring  and  flagrant 
than  this.  In  Philadelphia,  at  the  time  the  Eeform  Association  came 
into  existence,  this  system,  amounted  to  nothing  less  than  wholesale 
public  robbery.  Five  officers  put  into  their  pockets  annually,  iu  the 
aggregate,  the  enormous  sum  of  |223,000,  or  an  average  of  $t4,C00  each, 
almost  $20,000  more  than  the  amount  received  annually,  at  that  time,  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  These  offices  and  their  respective 
emoluments,  according  to  an  exhibit  made  by  the  Reform  committee, 
were  the  office  of  Recorder  of  Deeds,  $80,000;  office  of  Receiver  of  Taxes, 
§S5,000 ;  office  of  Clerk  of  Quarter  Sessions  Court,  $35,000 ;  office  of  Pro- 
thonotary  of  District  Court,  f  15,000;  office  of  City  Commissioner,  ?8,000. 
So  effectually  did  the  Municpal  Reform  Association  bring  this  monstrous 
robberj'  before  the  attention  of  the  people  that  the  framers  of  the  new 
Constitution,  when  they  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  in  1873,  to  enter  upon 
their  labors,  encountered  a.  unanimous  demand  for  a  change  of  the 
system.  This  convention  from  time  to  time  advised  with  representatives 
of  the  Municipal  Reform  Association  and  many  of  the  suggestions  of  the 
latter  were  embodied  in  the  Constitution  which  was  adopted  by  popular 
vote  in  December,  1873,  when  the  fee  system  was  abolished  and  the 
salary  system  took  its  place. 

Mr.  Lea,  the  originator  of  this  reform  movement,  who  had  for  years 
been  celebrated  not  only  in  his  own  country  but  in  Europe,  as  a  pro- 
found scholar  and  writer  on  scientific  subjects,  would  seem  especially 
here  to  claim  some  attention.  His  ideal  of  government  was  high,  his 
understanding  of  political  systems  was  most  complete.  He  had  been 
for  some  j'ears  past  an  industrious  contributor  to  the  political  literature 
of  the  countrj-.  He  had  been  from  the  time  of  the  breaking  out  of  the 
civil  war  in  1»61  a  prolific  writer  of  pamphlets  and  addresses  upon  politi- 
cal subjects.  In  addition  he  had  been  a  practical  worker  and  a  liberal 
contributor  of  money  to  the  cause  of  the  Union  during  the  struggle  for 
iti  preservation.    One  of  the  earliest  members  of  the  Republican  Union 


64  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

flucnce  of  justice  and  truth — which  is  the  sustaining 
power  of  all  earnest  effort  in  a  cause  that  is  right.  So 
the  six  years  of  trial  and  discipline  which  the  Citizens' 
Municipal  Reform  Association  has  undergone  that  con- 
victions might  be  vindicated  and  wrongs  rebuked  have 
assuredly  an  influence  which  in  all  its  subtle  workings 

LeaRue  of  liis  native  city,  he  held  important  positions  in  that  organiza- 
tion as  a  Luember  of  the  Board  of  Directors,  member  of  the  Milltarj' 
Committee,  and  of  tlie  Committee  of  Publication,  in  which  latter  capacity 
he  wrote  many  of  the  addresses  issued  by  the  League  in  support,  nf  ti  e 
principles  and  policy  of  the  Republican  party  during  the  war.  He  was 
also  active  in  another  respect.  At  a  time  when  the  public  mind  was 
agitated  on  the  subject  of  drafting  citizens  for  soldiers,  he  originated 
the  system  of  offering  bounties  to  volunteers  which  subsequently  was 
generally  adopted.  At  a  later  period  he  was  active  as  an  advocate  be- 
fore the  Legislature  for  the  reform  of  the  civil  service.  Conservative 
always  he  had  no  sj-mpathy  with  a  political  system  the  paramount  mo- 
tive of  which  was  the  possession  of  tlie  spoils  of  ofDce. 

Now  in  those  trying  war  times,  while  Mr.  Lea  and  others  of  his  kind 
were  laboring  incessantly  and  giving  largely  of  their  means  for  the 
benefit  of  their  country,  there  came  to  the  front  of  the  party  organiza- 
tion in  Philadelphia  a  baser  element  which  might  well  be  termed,  to  use 
a  familiar  characterization,  the  rag-tag  and  bob-tall  in  politics.  Tliey 
were  the  moths  of  humanity,  drawn  from  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth 
to  the  staid  Quaker  city  by  the  glare  of  opportunity.  One  party  to  them 
was  as  good  as  another  so  far  as  principles  were  concerned.  The  main 
consideration  that  influenced  their  actions  was  opportunity  for  self-ad- 
vancement. With  the  Democratic  party  laboring  under  reverses  and 
the  Republican  party  successful  In  city  and  state,  their  lot  was,  of  course, 
cast  with  the  latter.  These  political  Ishmaelltes  worked  darkly  and  noise- 
lessly. With  great  policy  and  much  humility  they  knocked  at  the  doors 
of  the  Union  League,  and  presenting  a  respectful  mien  asked  to  be  allowed 
to  enroll  their  humble  names  in  membership.  At  atimewheneverj'  vote 
In  the  Republican  party  was  needed,  they  were  accepted  without  question. 
They  at  once  made  themselves  useful,  showed  a  practical  disposition  to 
look  after  the  welfare  of  the  party  in  the  city  and  thus,  in  a  measure,  re- 
lieve the  real  leaders  of  the  party,  some  of  whom  were  at  the  front,  brav- 
ing the  enemy's  Are  for  the  safety  of  their  country  while  others,  like  Mr. 
Lea  were  occupied  with  schemes  for  raising  volunteers,  and  at  the  same 
time  for  keeping  the  party  lines  intact  throughout  the  state.  Thus,  the 
welfare  of  the  party  in  Philadelphia  was  left  practically  in  the  hands  of 
these  men.    Carefully  and  with  great  system  did  they  lay  their  plans  and 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  66 

cannot  be  reckoned  directly,  but  which  in  due  time  may 
be  reckoned  by  inevitable  results. 

Is  not  the  election  of  Pattison  in  this  autumn  of  the 
year  1880  proof  that  the  principles  of  reform  have  taken 
a  hold  upon  the  people?  This  much  has  been  done  by 
the  people  unorganized,  by  popular  sentiment  crystal- 
push  their  fortunes.  They  began  to  place  men  In  the  Legislature  who 
could  be  relied  upon  to  introduce  new  measures,  and  to  influence  legisla- 
tion solely  in  their  own  personal  interest ;  who  could  be  depended  upon 
to  introduce  bills  for  the  creation  of  new  offices  with  enormous  emolu- 
ments, and  to  rehabilitate  olHces  already  in  existence  In  the  direction  of 
Increasing  their  fees  to  thren  and  four  times  the  original  amounts.  They 
began  to  place  men  in  the  City  Councils  who  could  likewise  be  counted 
upon  as  subservient  tools;  who  could  be  trusted  through  city  legisla- 
tion to  throw  numerous  safeguards  around  the  stealthy  plunderers  on 
the  one  hand,  and  to  divert  the  public  money  into  their  pockets  on  the 
other.  Their  schemes  were  executed  with  promptness  and  skill.  It  wag 
not  until  they  had  attained  their  consummation,  that  the  people  became 
suspicious,  and  even  not  then.  Not  until  the  insolence  of  suddenly 
acquired  wealth  and  power  began  to  flaunt  itself  in  the  faces  of  citizens' 
did  Philadelphians  awake  to  the  realities  of  the  situation.  The  war  was 
come  to  an  end  and  men  now  began  to  see  some  of  the  latent  costs  which 
had  not  previously  been  taken  into  consideration.  They  found  that  while 
they  had  been  aiding  in  the  struggle  to  save  the  life  of  the  nation, 
there  had  been  a  subtle  enemy  at  work  at  home.  This  new  element  which 
had  crept  into  politics  on  hands  and  knees,  as  it  were,  now  stalked  erect 
with  high  head  and  Insolent  mien.  Well  might  it  do  so ;  for  it  had  left  no 
loop-hole  of  danger  unprovided  for.  Laws  had  been  enacted  In  its  interest, 
and  Judges  on  the  bench  were  perforce  compelled  to  construe  the  laws  as 
they  stood,  however  obnoxious  they  might  be.  The  party  machinery 
also  was  completely  in  its  hand.  Disciplined  and  trained  party  workers 
were  already  under  its  sway  in  the  shape  of  hordes  of  employes  in  the 
various  departments  over  which  It  had  so  completely  assumed  control. 
To  such  a  state  of  things  Henry  C.  Lea,  having  done  his  patriotic  labors 
on  behalf  of  his  country,  came  back  as  one  who  opens  his  e3-es  to  an  un- 
pleasant realization  after  a  troubled  dream.  He  saw  in  high  places  of 
power  men  who  a  few  years  before  had  been  humble  beneficiaries  of  the 
city,  state,  or  national  government.  In  the  form  of  clerks  messengers  or 
letter-carriers.  He  saw  party  politics  debased  and  the  city  government 
corrupt  and  vicious  In  practice  and  influence.  That  antagonisms  should 
spring  up  between  two  elements  of  the  Republican  party  at  this  time 
under  the  circumstances  was  not  unnatural;    that  there  should  grow 


66  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

lized  into  tangible  opposition.  There  will  be  more  yet 
to  do,  before  the  force  of  this  movement  has  been  ex- 
hausted ;  there  will  be  need  of  more  energetic  work  be- 
fore its  purpose  shall  have  been  fulfilled.  For  there  is 
yet  to  come  the  trial  of  trials  between  Bossism  and  the 
people.  In  the  month  of  February — only  three  short 
winter  months  oif— there  will  occur  another  city  election 
in  Avhich  a  Mayor,  a  Receiver  of  Taxes,  and  a  City  Solici- 
tor must  be  elected.  Bossism,  encouraged  by  the  memory 
of  its  triumph  in  1877,  is  looking  forward  already  with  ex- 
pectations. It  is  even  now  centring  its  power  and  in- 
fluence there  for  a  desperate  conflict.  Either  triumphant 
vindication  or  disastrous  overthrow  will  attend  it,  and  it 
is  not  unnatural  if  it  feels,  under  the  circumstances,  some 
concern.  If  the  latter  event  happens,  what  consequences 
may  follow?  Loss  of  prestige, — loss  of  power, — public 
investigations, — exposures, — courts  of  justice, — prisons  ! 
"  Liberty"  and  the  blessed  rights  of  citizenship  have 
been   nice   things  to  prate   about  unmeaningly  to  the 

therefrom  a  fruitful  crop  of  trouble  for  the  parly  in  the  future  was  to  be 
expected.  Fealty  to  party  lines  and  "  party  ties"  had  theretofore  been 
deemed  the  weightiest  consideration  that  could  influence  the  political 
action  of  men,  and  it  was  destined  to  have  a  potent  eflTect  in  the  canvass 
for  political  oflficM  for  some  time  yet  to  come.  The  evil  consequences  of 
blind  partisanship,  however,  must  sooner  or  later  appear ;  the  motives 
which  prompted  these  men  who  now  held  the  places  of  power  in  the 
city  government  could  not  long  be  coDcealed.  Tlie  vulgar  and  disgrace- 
ful scramble  on  their  part  to  get  rich,  proved  that  the  temptation  had 
been  too  strong  for  their  prudence,  and  that  public  sentiment  and  public 
decency  were  recklessly  defied  in  the  presence  of  an  opportunity  to 
fill  their  pockets  with  the  public  money,  regardless  of  law  and  of 
morality.  Two  hundred  and  twenty-three  thousand  dollars  of  the 
tlie  public  money  going  into  the  pockets  of  five  city  officers  in  Philadel- 
pliia  yearly!  What  did  that  incontrovertible  fact  show  ?  Simply  that 
under  such  a  state  of  affairs  "  political  party"  was  a  misnomer  and  that 
"  public  freebooters"  was  a  more  appropriate  title. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  67 

masses  in  the  election  times  in  the  past.  Strange  if  the 
Ijraters  shonld  come  to  realize  finally  what  a  blessing 
such  things  truly  are  by  discovering  through  compulsory 
experience  the  things  that  are  opposite. 

Toward  the  February  elections  then  many  eyes  are 
turned.  The  three  ofSces  to  be  filled  are  offices  of  chief 
importance.  As  to  the  Mayor's  office,  friend  Stokley 
who  has  already  enjoyed  two  terms  and  is  known  to 
aspire  to  a  third,  looks  out  respectfully  from  his  waning 
lease  of  power  upon  all  elements,  and  points  to  his  "  past 
record."  What  the  future  holds  in  store  for  him  it  does 
not  show  at  this  time,  which  is  perhaps  best.  It  is  doubt- 
ful nevertheless  if  the  spectacle  of  twelve  hundred 
policemen  participating  in  elections  on  every  occasion  in 
the  interest  of  the  p2.rty  of  their  superior,  meets  with 
favor  among  the  class  which  has  demonstrated  lately  in 
Pattison's  case  that  it  knows  how  to  exact  respect  for  its 
opinions.  But  if  there  is  one  office  which  popular  senti- 
ment has  become  excited  over,  and  which  Bossism  has 
determined  with  desperation  to  fight  for,  it  is  that  of  Re- 
ceiver of  Taxes.  This  office  has  been  the  subject 
during  the  last  nine  years  of  some  great  scandals.  It 
has  been  held  as  one  of  the  richest  prizes  of  the 
political  spoilsmen  and  no  effort  that  has  been  made 
by  Councils  has  been  successful  in  penetrating  thorough- 
ly the  mystery  of  the  operations  of  its  official  head- 
An  investigation  by  a  committee  of  Councils  in  1876 
revealed  some  startling  things.  The  inquiry  originated 
from  the  confession  of  one  of  the  Receiver's  clerks  that 
he  had  frittered  away  in  losing  speculations  upwards 
of  forty  thousand  dollars  of  the  public  money.  As  the 
investigation  progressed  it  was  discovered,  in  the  light  of 


68  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

other  frauds,  that  this  was  among  the  smallest  of  the 
cases  of  peculation  which  seemed  general  among  the 
attaches  of  the  office,  not  even  excepting  the  bootblack, 
who  being  detected  on  one  occasion  robbing  the  office 
was  arrested,  tried,  convicted  and  sent  to  prison.  The 
Receiver  at  this  time  was  Thomas  J.  Smith,  a  man  who 
from  small  beginnings  in  politics  came  to  be  a  most 
serviceable  instrument  of  James  McManes,  the  acknowl- 
edged chief  of  the  political  cabal  that  controlled  the 
elections.  It  is  doubtful  if  a  more  incompetent  man  could 
have  been  found  for  the  responsible  position  of  Receiver 
of  the  city's  taxes  than  Receiver  Smith.  His  own  testi- 
mony, during  investigations,  inaugurated  both  before  and 
after  his  term  of  office  had  expired,  revealed  the  fact  that 
the  business  of  the  office  was  conducted  utterly  without 
any  system.  The  frequent  peculations  of  the  tax  clerks 
under  him,  each  of  whom  seemed  to  be  in  a  position  to 
pocket  any  amount  of  money  he  chose  to  take,  were 
ample  corroboration  of  the  truth  of  the  Receiver's 
statement.  The  looseness  which  prevailed  in  the  man- 
agement of  this  most  important  Department  was  simply 
a  reflection  of  the  evils  which  obtained  in  every  office 
under  the  city  government  in  which  the  political  power 
of  McManesism  was  supreme.  Nevertheless  in  the  Tax 
Office  there  existed  peculiar  opportunities  for  originating 
and  encouraging  flagrant  abuses,  and  the  condition  into 
which  the  administration  of  the  duties  of  the  department 
had  fallen*  at  the  time  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred 

*"  One  the  most  important  ofuces  within  the  gift  of  the  people  is  the 
office  of  the^Receiver  of  Taxes,  i  lie  olKce  is  said  to  be  worth  a  quarter 
of  a  niilliuii  dollars  yearly,  Its  perquisites  are  so  enormous  as  to  cause  a 
frightful  demoralizaiion  in  the  ranks  of  both  parties.  The  whole  com- 
munity cries  out  for  a  repeal  of  tlie  iniquitous  law  which  givps  large 
fortunes  to  a  few  individuals  at  the  expenses  of  the  Taxpayers."— roH/i- 
cilman  Samuel,  Q.  Kuiy's  Letter  to  JJemucralic  Mayoralty  Convention, 
Jan.  27tla,  1881. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  69 

came  into  existence,  was  the  strongest  evidence  that  could 
be  adduced  to  show  tliat  nothing  that  could  be  utilized  in 
the  interest  of  a  corrupt  and  venai  body  of  men  was 
neglected.  While  the  poor  were  groaning  under  the 
burden  of  taxation  which  had  been  growing  heavier 
with  each  successive  year,  the  rich  politician  was  chuck- 
ling over  the  good  fortune  of  ihose  who  created  Tax 
Receiver's  and  whose  services  were  so  highly  esteemed  by 
their  creatures  after  assuming  official  functions  that  they 
were  only  too  happy  to  exempt  them  from  the  payment 

"  The  Tax  Office  is  regarded  as  certain  to  afford  a  quarter  of  a  million 
of  dollars  of  fees  and  perquisites  fur  those  who  can  obtain  possession  of 
It.  This  immense  revenue  is  wrung  from  the  poorer  'lass  of  taxpayers 
who  are  unable  to  pay  when  they  could  secure  exemption  from  extor- 
tion."-Times,  Jan,  30, 1881. 

"  This  man  (Eeceiver  of  Taxes)  is  to  get  §200,000  a  year,  squeezed  out  of 
the  widows  and  the  unfortunate  poor.  I  call  i '  blood  money.  The  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  gets  §5U,U00  a  year.  Lincoln— the  great  and 
noble-hearted  Lincolu-gotiylOO.OOO  for  his  martyrdom.  The  Tax  Office 
is  the  graduating  place  for  Gas  Trustees."— iVesidenJ  Caven'n  JPublic 
Speech,  Feb.  4, 1881. 

"  During  the  existence  of  the  Delinquent  Tax  Office— a  mere  tender  to 
the  of  Receivpv  of  Taxes,  the  Delinquent  Collect(i'  being  appomted  by 
the  Receiver— the  salary  ant!  the  fees  of  the  Receiver  of  Taxes  have 
never  amonuted  to  less  than  $150,000  and  have  often  amounted  to  nearly 
$200,000  per  annum.''   -Evening  Telep7'aph,  Feb.  12,  ISSl. 

"  For  all  the  iniquity  of  the  Tax  Office,  as  well  in  the  law  as  in  its  ad- 
ministration, the 'ring  roosters'  of  Philadelphia  are  directly  and  solely 
respoiisible.  They  concocted  and  had  passed  every  oppressive  measure 
of  which  the  people  complain.  When  Taxpayers  asked  for  relief  the 
Basses  replied  with  the  pitiless  act  of  1879  which  put  every  tenant  of  a 
delinquent  landlord  at  the  mercy  of  the  tax-gatherer-"— C/ironicte-.ffa-a;c/, 
Feb.  15, 1881. 

"  Long  and  patiently  the  people  submitted  to  the  spoiler  until  patience 
ceased  to  be  a  virtue  and  further  fm-bearance  a  crime.  The  defiant 
bosses  had  laughed  to  scorn  the  idea  that  successful  resistance  could  be 
made  against  them.  Entrenched  in  the  strongholds  of  corruption,  sup- 
ported by  the  very  worst  elements  of  both  parties,  flushed  with  dishonest 
spoils  already  secured  and  thirsting  for  more  they  .".went,  into  the  contest 
confident  of  getting  through  somehow."— -Bueninff  iSto?-,  Feb.  IJ,  1881. 

"  When  it  is  remembered  that  the  profits  of  the  Delinquent  Tax  Office 
are  $728  a  day  and  that  the  Democratic  and  Republican  ringsters  who  are 
to  share  such  big  spoils  do  not  ntiinber  over  a  score,  any  school-boy  chu 
figure  up  the  amount  that  will  fall  to  each.  One  of  the  bosses  is  credited 
with  receiving  $40,000  as  his  annual  share  of  the  cresent  orotits."— .fc'Dc?!- 
ing  Star,  Feb.  2, 1881. 


70  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

of  taxes.  Not  strange  is  it  then  that  James  McManes 
and  his  followers  should  be  anxious  about  this  office.  A 
Receiver,  not  of  their  kind,  means  for  thjem  a  great  deal 
that  would  likely  prove  annoying;  while  one  of  the  kind 
they  have  been  used  to  supplying  would  give  them  all  that 
could  be  desired.  Meantime  the  people  will  likely  take 
a  hand  in  settling  this  question  at  the  coming  election 
for  there  have  been  frequent  indications  of  late  that  they 
are  becoming  aroused. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

DISINTEGRATION  AND  DISORGANIZATION. 

Bossism  has  been  so  loug  in  business  it  bas  become 
philosophic  ;  nothing  being  more  conducive  to  philosophy 
than  the  thwacks  and  cutis  its  family  members  receive  in 
their  probation  period  when,  under  the  discipline  of  ex- 
perienced masters  they  are  trained,  as  in  a  school  for 
thieves,  after  a  rigorous  system  which  looks  not  toward 
leaving  them  unprovided  with  resources  in  times  when 
fortune  deserts  them  and  justice,  to  a  greater  or  less  ex- 
tent, secures  her  vindication.  To  accept  defeat  like 
philosophers,  then,  is  the  first  duty  of  its  followers;  the 
next,  to  recruit  their  strength  and  plan  their  campaign 
for  the  all-absorbing  struggle  of  February.  Past  ex- 
perience bids  them  hope ;  these  November  battles  have 
been  lost  before  and  still  the  mure  important  February 
fights  have  been  won.  Thus  does  Bossism  reason  in  the 
endeavor  to  convince  itself  that  things  are  not  as  bad  as 
they  might  be  and  that  good  dame  Fortune  is  with  it  a 
permanent  guest.  Yet  men  know  this  fascinating  lady 
and  know  how  unreliable  are  some  of  her  most  flattering 
promises.  Justice  to  her,  however,  demands  that  she 
shall  not  unwarrantably  be  set  down  as  the  beguiler  of 
Bossism  on  this  occasion,  her  deft  fingers  being  strangely 
absent  from  the  signs  that  mark  the  dubious  prospect, — 
dubious  even  to  a  degree  that  causes  the  political  prophets 
to  be  unusually  wary  and  reserved,  a  spectacle  so  rare 
that  it  is  enough  to  create  al.irm  throughout  the  entire 
political  brotherhood.  For  Bossism  has  reached  a  criti- 
cal stage  and  old  tactics  and  methods  are  about  to  be 
•(71) 


72  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

taxed  beyond  the  limits  of  anything  ever  contemplated 
by  its  most  far-sighted  leaders.  The  point  of  human 
endurance  has  been  reached  and  passed  and  certain  in- 
evitable consequences  are  arising,  like  armed  men  from 
slumber,  to  the  work  of  indiscriminate,  spontaneous  retri- 
bution. The  tmprofessional  politician  is  arising,  whose 
number  is  legion  and  whose  occupation  that  of  payer  of 
taxes,  and  his  ominous  frown  beclouds  and  darkens  Boss- 
isms  entire  low-hanging  sky. 

In  the  meantime  one  of  the  aggravating  causes  of  the 
present  revolutionary  spirit  of  citizens  are  the  public 
journals,  Not  to  Philadelphia  alone  is  the  journalistic 
agitation  confined.  The  Herald,  of  New  York,  has  for 
weeks  past,  through  the  medium  of  its  correspondent, 
Mr.  Julius  Chambers,  been  exposing  what  appear  to  be 
gigantic  frauds  in  the  Gas  Trust.  Intense  is  the  ex- 
citement which  these  disclosures  produce,  the  subject 
being  followed  with  great  persistency  and  determination, 
incendiary  threats  against  Correspondent  Chambers  not- 
withstanding. Finally  the  public  sentiment  over  these 
revelations  becomes  so  thoroughly  aroused  that  the  Gas 
Trust  is  compelled,  in  its  own  defense,  to  ask  the  City 
Councils  for  an  investigation  of  its  stewardship,  a  resolU' 
tion  having  been  introduced  in  the  Cominon  Chamber  by 
one  of  the  members*  providing  for  the  appointment  of  a 
joint  committee  of  both  branches  for  this  purpose. 
Meanwhile,  Citizen  E.  Dunbar  Lockwood,  perceiving 
that  in  the  aroused  state  of  the  public  feeling  against  the 
Gas  Trust,  a  favorable  time  has  arrived  in  which  to  give 
this  creature  of  despotism  and  corruption  its  death  blow, 
goes  among  influential  citizens  on  a  weighty  mission. 

♦Councilman  Bardsle» 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  73 

Business  men  and  "heavy  taxpayers"  approve  of 
his  idea  as,  in  counting-room  and  miscellaneous  busi- 
ness places,  he  dilates  upon  it,  and  soon  the  interest 
in  his  scheme  becomes  contagious.  If  the  people 
are  truly  ready  for  a  change,  and  only  wait  for  wise 
leadership  to  prompt  them  to  arise  in  a  mass  and  over- 
throw the  pretenders  who  have  sought  to  rule  them  in  a 
spirit  almost  approaching  barbaric  despotism,  could  there 
be  a  better  time  for  action  tlian  the  present?  Dunbar 
Lockwood  hurries  on,  well  pleased  with  the  prospect  of  a 
speedy  fruition  of  his  hopes  and  purposes.  Leaders! 
leaders !  Well,  if  these  are  all  that  are  lacking  the  people 
shall  have  leaders,  and  they  shall  have  principles  to  fight 
for,  and  system  and  courage  and  faithfulness  and  per- 
severance. For  Dunbar  is  deeply  in  earnest  and  those 
whom  he  visits  and  consults  with  are  in  earnest  and  they 
are,  moreover,  (some  of  them)  experienced,  tried  and 
proven  veterans.  Are  there  not  among  them  President 
Henry  C.  Lea,  Charles  Wheeler,  T.  Morris  Perot,  George 
H.  Earle,  John  McLaughlin,  Henry  Winsor,  L.  P.  Ash- 
mead  and  Henry  B.  Tatham,  of  the  old  Municipal  Ke- 
form  Association,*  the  latter  two  Democrats,  and  diffi- 
dent about  connecting  themselves  with  Dunbar's  move- 
ment for  Dunbar's  sake  and  the  movement's  sake,  be- 
lieving it  to  be  the  part  of  good  policy  to  have  the  new 
organization  distinctly  Republican,  supported  at  a  later 
period  by  another  citizen's  organization  distinctly  Demo- 
cratic. Yielding  to  the  advice  of  veterans  Ashmead  and 
Tatham,  Mr.  Lockwood  passes  Democratic  reformers  by, 

*The  Citizens  Municipal  Reform  Association,  althougli  not  disbanded, 
ceased  to  act  politically  as  an  organization  after  the  February  elections 
Of  1877, 


74  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

and  seeks  support  for  liis  scbeuie  among  Republicans  who 
enroll  their  names  on  his  informal  foolscap  with  an  en- 
couraging display  of  resolution. 

Clear  sailing,  without  a  ripple  in  the  current,  in  this 
preliminary  stage  of  things  would  be  too  much  to  expect. 
Obstacles  here  and  there  spring  up  among  i>erverse  and 
perplexing  humanity,  all  of  which,  however,  be  it  known, 
are  in  the  end  brushed  aside  by  the  swift  flying  organizer 
of  citizens'  movements  and  become  only  incidents  of  the 
progress  toward  great  results.  Jealousy  and  prejudice 
are  not  absent.  In  different  forms  they  show  them- 
selves, but  prove  to  be  of  no  more  account  than  petty  an- 
noyances. In  some  cases  they  take  the  form  of  deliberate 
action  through  counter  methods  to  defeat  Dunbar's  plan: 
being  not  overscrupulous  about  circulating  false  state- 
ments as  to  the  object  of  the  movement.  In  other  cases 
they  take  a  gastronomical  form*  and  seek  through  the  in- 

*A  few  days  before  the  arrival  of  the  time  originally  fixed  by  Mr. 
Lockwood  for  the  "'meeting  of  citizens,"  for  the  purpose  of  organizing 
a  Citizens  Reform  Committee,  he  received  an  invitation  to  attend  a 
dinner  to  be  given  by  a  gentleman  who  had  been  prominent  in  previous 
reform  efforts.  The  invitation  was  followed  by  a  request  to  him  to  post- 
pone the  time  of  meeting  in  order  that  the  dinner  might  take  place  first 
Mr.  Lockwood  assented,  and  when  he  arrived  at  the  residence  of  his 
host  he  met  a  number  of  the  gentlemen  who  had  pledged  their 
support  to  his  movement,  among  them  Messrs.  Wheeler  and  Perot. 
There  was  also  present  Mr.  Wayne  MacVeagh,  who  was  destined  to 
become  a  few  months  later  the  Nation's  Attorney  General  under  Presi- 
dent Garfield.  Wharton  Barker,  "original  Garfield  Republican,"  was 
another  guest, as  was  also  Hampton  L.  Carson,  the  eloquent  young  Repub- 
lican orator  and  le.ader  of  the  Independents.  After  dinner,  to  the  astonish- 
ment of  Dunbar  Lockwood,  the  host  abruptly  entered  upon  the  subject 
of  his  Reform  Organization  movement  and  made  a  speech  against  it  as 
ill-advised  and  premature.  Eight  or  nine  other  guests  followed  with 
speeches,  among  them  Messrs.  Barker  and  MacVeagh,  all  of  whom, 
with  one  exception,  took  the  same  view  of  the  subject  and  urged  Mr. 
Lockwood  to  withdraw  his  call.    Five  of  those  speakers  had  previously 


TKE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  75 

fluence  of  hospitable  wines  to  induce  the  Organizer  to 
forego  his  intentions. 

All  of  which,  however,  is  preliminary  to  the  statement 
that  on  the  15th  of  November,  1880,  Dunbar  Lockwood 
called  a  meetiug  of  citizens  to  order  in  the  office  of  the 
Lockwood  Manufacturing  Co.,  and  called  upon  Amos.  R. 
Little,  a  Germantown  merchant,  to  preside.  The  election 
of  Pattison  had  taken  place  only  a  few  days  before. 
Nineteen  days  ago  Mr.  Lockwood  had  written  to  the 
Controller  that  letter  announcing  himself  as  one  of  his 
supporters  and  speaking  prophetically  about  an  effort  on 


engaged  to  attend  the  meeting,  but  the  opposition  to  the  movement 
liaviiig  changed  their  minds  they  informed  the  author  of  the  move- 
ment that  they  would  not  be  present. 

When,  In  the  order  in  which  tliegucsta  were  seated,  it  came  Dunbar 
Liockwood's  turn  to  speak,  he  arose  and  with  considerable  spirit  declined 
10  either  recall  his  action  with  reference  to  the  meeting,  or  to  modify  his 
plans.  He  assured  those  present  that  the  meeting  would  come  off 
whether  the}' attended  or  not,  and  that  their  places  would  be  filled  by 
others.  He  was  warmly  supported  in  his  position  by  Messrs.  Wheeler, 
Perot,  Eudolph  Blankenburg,  John  McLaughlin  and  Joseph  Lapsley 
Wilson,  who  determinedly  announced  that  they  would  stand  by  him 
in  hismovement,  and  do  their  best  to  carry  it  forward  in  the  interest  of 
reform  though  everj-body  else  deserted  him.  Surprised  at  this  evidence 
of  dotermiiiation  the  opponents  of  the  movement  had  nothing  further 
to  say  and  the  party  broke  up  without  having  accomplished  the  purpose 
which  a  good  many  well-meaning  but  misguided  gentlemen  had  at 
heart.  Thej-  did  not  however  despair.  On  the  day  upon  which  Dunbar 
Lockwood's  meeting  was  announced  to  come  off,  some  of  the  same 
gentlemen  had  quietlj' called  a  meeting  on  their  own  account  at  another 
place,  and  had  drawn  thereto  a  number  of  those  who  had  b^f-n  invited 
to  attend  the  other  meeting.  Dunbar  heard  of  the  afTair  within  a  few 
minutes  of  the  time  appointed  for  the  opening  of  his  own  meeting  and 
wont  in  person  to  the  place.  By  the  exercise  of  a  little  diplomacj',  pro- 
posing to  those  present  the  name  of  their  own  chairman,  Mr.  Amos  R. 
Little,  as  the  presiding  officer  of  his  own  meeting,  he  induced  them  all 
to  accompany  him  to  the  office  of  the  Lockwood  Manufacturing  Co., 
on  South  Third  Street,  where  the  preliminary  meeting  of  the  Committee 
of  One  Hundred  was  held. 


76  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

the  part  of  "  all  good  citizens  in  February  next  to  secure 
better  government  for  this  city."  The  preliminary  step 
toward  the  fulfillment  of  that  prophesy  was  now  about 
to  be  realized.  The  meeting  was  in  session  for  several 
hours  during  which  time  the  last  of  the  opponents  to  this 
scheme  of  reform  raised  his  hands  and  besought  those 
assembled  to  do  nothing,  immediately  after  which  he  was 
metaphorically  killed  and  buried  with  summary  rites. 
Chairman  Little  was  empowered  to  appoint  a  Committee 
of  one  hundred  business  men  "  to  consider  the  subject 
of  the  nomination  of  proper  candidates  for  munic  pal 
offices  to  be  chosen  at  the  February  election."  The 
meeting  then  idjourns  and  Bossism  forthwith,  as  it  hears 
the  news,  becomes  unusually  grave,  for  the  proceeding 
looks  as  if  the  Reformers  mean  business. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  citizens'   committee. 

Over  the  result  of  this  citizens'  meeting  McManesism 
is  said  to  be  not  lightly  exercised.  Such  meetings  have 
been  held  before  and  have  been  productive  of  more  or 
less  mischief.  Primarily  the  mere  announcement  of  their 
occurrence  is  bad,  having  a  tendency  to  prejudice  the 
minds  of  voters.  That  citizens  have  assembled  for  a 
purpose  such  as  this,  presupposes  the  existence  of  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  present  order  of  things,  and  dissatis- 
faction being  sometimes  contagious,  there  is  danger  that 
it  may  become  universal  and  find  forcible  expression  in 


THE  FALL   OF    BOSSISM.  77 

the  elections.  Meantime,  witli  busy  tongue,  Rumor  is 
furnishing  plenty  of  exciting  topics  for  all  classes,  and 
Journalism  in  many  directions  is  scouting  for  the  latest 
and  freshest  revelations  to  satisfy  the  popular  craving. 
From  his  towered  sky-retreat  Colonel  McClure,  godfather 
of  Revolt  and  Disorganization,  looks  with  cold  philosophic 
eye  upon  the  threatening  clash  of  belligerent  elements, 
and  hides  beneath  a  calm,  self-contained  exterior  a  deal 
of  genuine  satisfaction.  Well  does  he  know  the  forces 
that  are  slowly  working  out  a  solution  of  this  political 
problem ;  for,  has  he  not,  in  many  private  conferences 
with  Dunbar  Lockwood,  in  that  towered  chamber,  other- 
wise sanctum  sanctorum,  for  weeks  past  advised  and 
suggested  ways  and  things  expedient  to  the  object  in 
view  and  to  the  circumstances  of  the  hour,  this  doing  as 
experienced  politician  and  able  editor  combined,  whose 
forty  years  of  political  life,  enriched  by  a  varied  ex- 
perience of  ups  and  downs  and  five  years'  life  in  Phila- 
delphia journalism,  has  served  to  give  him  a  knowledge 
of  men  and  things  which  is  used  with  most  potent 
effect,  in  any  cause  he  undertakes.  To  the  Philadelphia 
public  Colonel  McClure  addressed  his  journalistic  saluta- 
tory, before  reform  in  that  city  had  found  a  foothold, 
since  which  time  City,  State,  and  Nation  have  felt  the 
power  of  his  vigorous  pen.  These  political  revolutionists 
has  he  encouraged  and  incited,  the  cause  of  the  people 
has  he  espoused,  their  wrongs  proclaimed,  their  self-ap- 
pointed masters  fiercely  denounced,  for  all  of  which  he 
has  earned  the  cordial  hatred  of  those  masters  to  whom 
the  mention  of  his  name  is  disturbing  and  irritating  as 
salt  and  vinegar  upon  raw  flesh.  In  no  circumscribed 
sphere  of  action  has  he  received  his  training.     From  the 


78  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

remote  southern  tier  of  Pennsylvania  counties,  where 
the  fertile  Keystone  soil  mingles  with  the  limestone  rocks 
of  sunny  Maryland,  and  where,  embosomed  among  the 
hills  of  the  blue  valley  of  Cumberland,  in  the  heart  of 
Franklin  County,  lies  the  historic  little  town  of  Chambers- 
burg,  with  its  hollow-sounding  turnpikes  and  its  moun- 
tain-inns, came  Colonel  McClure  in  the  early  days  of 
Philadelphia  reform,  when  people's  movements  and  or- 
ganizations for  popular  rights  were  in  their  incipiency, 
and  for  a  time  was  not  heard  of  in  politics,  having  settled 
down  quietly  to  the  practice  of  the  profession  of  law. 
Not  long,  however,  was  he  destined  to  remain  thus,  in 
retirement.  The  struggles  of  the  unorganized  and  po- 
litically inexperienced  people  against  the  banded  and 
organized  hosts  of  the  ringsters  had  already  begun, 
and  the  crying  need  of  the  hour  was  an  experienced 
leader.  Back  through  the  years  of  political  strife  and 
turbulency,  of  which  sturdy  Pennsylvania  had  had  its 
share,  were  the  meteor-like  traces  in  Legislative  hall  and 
Nominating  convention,  of  Colonel  McClure,  and  never 
did  they  shine  with  a  gladder  light  than  to  these  strugg- 
ling and  politically  unpracticed  Eeformers  now,  when, 
as  if  by  an  inspiration-flash,  an  idea  possessed  them. 
Here  in  their  midst,  seeking  public  favor  no  longer,  nor 
yet  free  from  contempt  for  the  practices  of  political  ad- 
venturers— wearing  the  guise  of  devotees  to  party  prin- 
ciple only  that  they  might  steal — was  the  veteran  of  many 
stirring  conflicts,  friend  of  Lincoln  and  of  "war-Governor" 
Curtin,  and  the  type  and  representative  of  a  nobler  and 
more  lofty  aim  in  politics,  whose  skill  and  unbounded 
resources,  tried  and  proven  so  often  in  the  past,  might 
well  spread  confusion  and  dismay  through  the  forces  of 
the  enemy. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM,  79 

With  enthusiasm  and  courage  new-born  the  Eeformers 
seized  Colonel  McClure,  dragged  him,  with  stern  disre- 
gard of  the  question  of  individual  liberty,  from  his  law- 
books and  legal  surroundings  and  nominated  him  in  a 
great  people's  meeting  as  their  candidate  for  Mayor 
against  the  candidate  of  McManesism,  none  other  than 
Councilman  William  S.  Stokley.  Then  began  a  contest 
the  like  of  which  Philadelphia  never  before  witnessed. 
In  stirring  oratory,  night  after  night,  did  Colonel  McClure 
picture  to  the  people  the  profligacy  and  corruption  among 
their  public  servants,  who  had  in  reality  become  masters, 
and  enthusiastically  and  etfectually  did  his  young  lieu- 
tenants, irrespective  of  party,  from  among  the  people 
fight  for  their  leader,  until  the  popular  feeling  against 
Bosses  and  adventurers  reached  flood-tide,  and  into  the 
ballot-boxes  on  election  day  went  thousands  of  votes  for 
Colonel  McClure,  in  excess  of  those  voted  for  candidate 
Stokley.  But  the  resources  of  the  Bosses  were  not  yet 
exhausted.  They  controlled  the  election  boards,  or  such 
as  they  did  not  control  they  speedily  bought,  and  they 
were  leagued  together,  Democrat  and  Republican,  in 
closely  knit  brotherhood  whose  interests  were  mutual, 
and,  making  common  cause  against  the  people's  cham- 
pion, the  election  returns  were  falsified  without  limit  and 
election  ofiicers  bribed  to  perjure  themselves,  by  which 
means  the  oflicial  count  was  made  to  result  in  favor  of 
candidate  Stokley,  which  acts  have  ever,  among  the  many 
dark  things  done  by  the  political  conspirators,  been  open- 
ly admitted. 

But,  presto !  what  have  they  done  ?  Rejecting  a  Mayor 
who  would  have  been  an  obstacle  to  the  success  of  their 
practices  for  not  more  than  three  years  at  the  worst,  they 


80  THE   FALL   OP   BOSSISM. 

have  made  an  Editor  who  will  be  with  them  evermore, 
while  their  lives  run,  a  fearful  Nemesis  on  their  tracks, 
whose  very  shadow  becomes  an  object  of  dread.  Fatal 
act  I  Never  from  that  day  have  they  had  an  undisturbed 
hour,  never  have  they  been  exempt  from  the  wasting  fire 
of  the  journalistic  battery  which  their  own  knavis^h  deeds 
provoked  into  action. 

Consequences  swift  and  disastrous  grow  out  of  this 
crime.  Men's  indignation  and  destructive  fury  are  accele- 
rated in  their  effects  under  the  stimulating  power  of  this 
aroused  victim  of  an  infamous  wrong.  Weary  and  well- 
nigh  disheartened  Reformers  feel  their  hopes  revive  and 
their  strength  return  under  the  bold  and  methodical  war- 
fare which  this  man,  relying  upon  no  man's  opinion,  con- 
sulting no  man's  judgment,  but  depending  upon  his  own 
instinct  and  planting  himself  firmly  upon  the  principle 
of  all  men's  rights,  inaugurates  against  a  political  oli- 
garchy, as  insolent  and  arrogant  as  any  that  ever  reared 
its  head  in  the  despotic  climes  of  the  East.  Under  the 
fierce  vigor  of  his  attacks  retribution  appears  to  be  truly 
a  speedy  minister.  Though  far  from  vanquished,  or  be- 
ing dislodged  from  their  entrenchments,  the  Bosses  never- 
theless see  their  erst  powerful  band  of  followers,  broken 
and  diminished,  some  flying,  with  prison  haunted  vision, 
to  unknown  parts  for  refuge,  while  others,  less  fortunate 
even  than  fugitives  from  justice,  are  driven,  despite  the 
influence  and  ready  methods  of  their  masters,  into  jails 
and  prisons,  there  to  expiate  their  crimes  after  the  man- 
ner prescribed  by  law  for  the  punishment  of  felons,  all 
of  which  are  among  the  first  indications  of  the  tendency 
of  a  sentiment  to  evolve  tangible  results  out  of  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  people  to  self-constituted  Bosses. 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  81 

Meantime  the  work  of  organization  among  citizens  is 
going  forward.  Presiding  oiEcer  Little,  acting  out  his 
instructions,  proceeds  to  select  a  committee  of  "  not  less 
than  one  hundred  business  men,"  in  which  task  he  is 
aided  by  Dunbar  Lockwood,  Joel  J.  Baily,  Joshua  L. 
Baily,  Rudolph  Blankenburg,  James  A.  Wright  and 
Francis  B.  Reeves.  Their  meetings  are  held  daily  in  the 
second  story  room  of  Dunbar  Lockwood's  manufactory, 
and  the  proceedings  are,  for  the  present,  a  secret.  After 
a  lapse  of  eleven  days,  or  on  the  26th  of  November,  the 
work  of  Chairman  Little  and  his  colleagues  is  completed, 
and  on  the  following  day  the  list  of  the  permanent  Com- 
mittee   members*,    one  hundred   and  seven  in   all,  is 

*  The  names  and  occupations  of  the  members  of  the  Committee  of 
One  Hundred,  as  originally  constituted,  were  as  follows,  viz. :  George  N. 
Allen,  merchant;  William  Allen,  manufacturer;  J.  T.  Audenreid,  coal 
operator ;  William  Arrott,  manufacturer  and  insurance  manager ;  Chas. 
B.  Adamson,  manufacturer;  JoelJ.  Baily,  merchant;  Alexander  Brown, 
banker;  William  B.  Bement,  manufacturer;  William  Brockie,  shipping 
merchant;  Joshua  L,  Baily,  merchant;  H.  W.  Bartol,  sugar  refiner; 
Henry  C.  Butcher,  merchant;  John  T.Bailey,  manufacturer;  James 
Bonbright,  merchant ;  Charles  H.  Biles,  cashier;  Rudolph  Blankenburg, 
manufacturer  and  Importer ;  George  L.  Buzbj',  secretary  board  of  trade; 
David  Branson,  coal  merchant;  Bobert  R.  Corson,  secretary;  E.  R. 
Cope,  manufacturer;  B.  B.  Comegys,  banker;  John  F.  Craig,  broker; 
George  V.  Cresson,  machinist;  Matthew  H.  Crawford,  gentleman;  Chas. 
J.  Cohen,  manufacturer;  H.  T.  Coates,  publisher;  Lemuel  Coffin,  mer- 
chant; Samuel  Croft,  manufacturer;  Edward  H.  Coates,  merchant;  A. 
A.  Catanach,  builder;  Thomas  T.  Child,  jeweler;  James  Dobson,  manu- 
facturer; A.  J.  Drexel,  banker;  William  P.  Ellison,  merchant;  George 
H.  Earle.  attorney;  Oliver  Evans,  merchant;  George  W.  Farr,  jeweler; 
Clayton  French,  wholesale  druggist;  John  Field,  merchant;  W.  W. 
Frazier,  Jr.,  sugar  refiner;  Phillip  C.  Garrett,  retired  manufacturer; 
JabeE  Gates,  merchant;  R.  H.  Griffith,  farmer;  D.  R.  Garrison,  lumber 
merchant;  James  Graham,  merchant;  John  E.  Graeflf,  coal  operator; 
Henry  C.  Gibson,  merchant;  Thomas  Hart,  attorney ;  F.  Oden  Horst- 
mann,  manufacturer;  Thos.  S.  Harrison,  manufacturer;  Samuel  Hecht, 
merchant;  R.  E.  Hastings,  manufacturer;  Theodore  Justice,  merchant; 
N,  E.  Janney,  real  estate  agent ;  William  H.  Jenks,  merchant ;  Eben  C. 


82  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

published  in  the  newsj^apers  aud  read  with  varying  emo- 
tions by  different  persons.  Some  of  them  have  been 
familiar  Keformers  who  have  given  many  uneasy  hours 
to  Bossism  in  the  past; — among  them  Henry  C.  Lea, 
Charles  "Wheeler,  T.  Morris  Perot,  George  H.  Earle,  and 
John  Field.  The  majority  of  them,  however,  have  been 
unknown  in  politics,  being  strict  business  men  v/ho  have 
heretofore  taken  no  further  interest  in  political  affairs 
than  is  involved  in  the  casting  of  a  vote,  and  not  always 
have  they  gone  this  far,  the  political  surroundings  of  the 
polling  places  being,  as  a  rule,  not  inviting  to  self-re- 
specting persons,  a  fact  which   accounts  largely  for  the 

Jaj'ne,  wholesale  druggist ;  Chas.  C.Knight,  merchant:  Godfrey  Keebler, 
baker;  Henry  C.  Lea,  publisher;  Edward  Longstreth,  manulacturer ; 
Henry  Lewis,  merchant;  Amos  R.  Little,  merchant;  E.  Dunbar  Lock- 
wood,  manufacturer  ;  J.  Frederick  Loeble,  manufacturer ;  Louis  C.  Ma- 
deira, insurance  agent;  Thomas  G.  Morton,  surgeon;  Jauies  S.  Mason, 
manufacturer ;  Theodore  Megargee,  manufacturer ;  George  D.  McCreary, 
coal  operator;  John  McLaughlin,  merchant;  AcquilaNebeker, physician 
Morris  Newburger,  manufacturer;  H.  M.  Oliver, manufacturer;  T.  Morn.i 
Perot,  malster ;  James  Peters,  merchant;  Joseph  Farrish,  attorney;  H.  W- 
Pitkin,  manufacturer;  Thomas  Potter,  Jr.,  manufacturer;  Chas.  Kober  s 
manufacturers;  Charles  H.  Rogers,  banker;  Francis  B.  Reeves,  merchant 
Charles  Spencer,  manufacturer;  David  Scull,  Jr.,  merchant;  William 
Sellers,  manufacturer;  B.  H. Shoemaker,  importer;  F.  R.  Shelton, banker 
James  Spear,  merchant;  Seville  Schofield,  manufacturer;  Samuel  G 
Scott,  merchant;  J.  C.  Strawbridge,  merchant;  Alexander  Simpson,  Jr. 
attorney;  Oswald  Seidensticker,  teacher;  Wm.  Henry  Trotter,  impor- 
ter; A.  C.  Thomas,  importer;  John  P.  Verree,  manufacturer;  Charles 
Wheeler,  manufacturer ;  George  Whitney,  manufacturer;  George  Wat- 
son, builder ;  John  Wanamaker,  merchant ;  Edward  S.  Whelen,  banker; 
John  C.  Watt,  manufacturer ;  Ellis  D.  Williams,  attornej- ;  James  A. 
Wright,  shipping  merchant;  William  Wood,  manufacturer;  Henry 
Winsor,  shipping  merchant ;  Alexander  Whilldin,  merchant;  E.  R. 
Wood,  manufacturer  ;    Christopher  Wetherill,  wholesale  druggist. 

Of  the  composition  of  the  committee  the  lYess  of  the  27th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1881,  makes  the  following  analysis: 

"  In  the  foregoing  list  certain  sections  of  the  city,  in  which  the  Reform 
element  is  not  extensive,  have  very  small  representation.    For  instance^ 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  83 

frequent  success  of  Bossism,  Demagogism,  and  all  the 
other  isms  that,  from  a  political  source,  curse  the  people- 
These  nS,mes  no  sooner  see  the  light  of  print,  than 
speculation  and  gossip  run  wild.  lu  club  house,  hotel, 
public  vehicle  and  on  street  corners,  they  stimulate  the 
wagging  of  tongues.  Names  are  there,  which  constitute 
base  and  superstructure  of  Philadelphia  business  enter- 
prise, which  commemorate  in  the  third,  fourth  and  fifth 
generations  the  integrity  of  the  city's  early  founders  and 
still  shed  lustre  upon  the  religious  faith  of  Penn.  Yeri- 
ly,  the  uprising  is  formidable,  as  James  McManes  him- 
self even  does  admit,  adding,  with  smooth  desire  to 
placate,  that  he  "  does  not  wish  to  antagonize  the  best 
element  of  the  community,"  which  expression  of  magna- 
nimity comes  rather  late. 

the  First,  Second,  Third,  Fourth,  Fifth,  and  Sixth  Ward,  have  but  two 
representatives  on  the  Committee.  Mr.  Loeble  from  the  First,  and  Mr. 
Watt  from  the  Fourth.  The  Eight  Ward  has  twenty-six  gemlemen  on 
the  Committee,  the  largest  representation,  as  might  be  expected,  in  a 
district  so  largelj-  populated  by  extensive  property  owners.  Following 
it  is  the  Twenty-Second  Ward  (Germantown  and  Chestnut  Hill)  in  which 
reside  so  many  wealthy  merchants,  with  sixteen  reprtsentatives.  The 
Seventh  Ward  is  represented  by  nine  gentlemen,  and  the  Ninth  by 
seven.  Both  these  Wards  have  within  their  limits  Spruce,  Pine  and 
Arch  streets,  on  which  are  the  residences  of  many  wealthy  and  influen- 
tial citizens.  The  great  Reform  Ward  of  Philadelphia,  the  Fifteenth, 
where  Mr.  Joseph  L.  Caveu  resides,  has  ten  r^jpresentatives,  only  one  of 
whom  has  ever  been  prominent  in  political  life.  The  Nineteenth  Ward 
is  represented  by  Mr.  Peters,  alone,  and  the  Twenty-Third  also  has  but 
one  representative.  The  Twenty-Fourth  Ward  and  the  Twenty-Seventh 
Ward,  in  the  former  of  which  John  Hunter  resides,  and  in  the  latter  W. 
Ellwood  Rowan,  have  each  four  names  on  the  Committee.  ManayunJj, 
with  its  great  manufactories,  has  two  representatives.  The  other  Watrds 
that  are  without  representation  at  all  in  the  Committee  are  the  Four- 
teenth, Sixteenth,  Seventeenth,  Eighteentu,  Twenty-Fifth  and  Thirty- 
First.  Every  gentleman  named  on  the  Conamittee  is  Republican  in 
politics. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

READjraSTINQ  POLITICAL   BALANCES. 

Now  there  will  be  an  end  to  this  one-sided  manage' 
ment  of  things  political,  an  end  to  the  usurpation  of 
narrow  cunning  and  audacity  and  consequent  wholesale 
misrule ;  and  an  end,  too,  to  the  domination  of  insolent 
a)id  offensive  political  bullies  and  types  of  a  brute  force 
in  politics  whose  influence  upon  men  has  ever  been 
vicious  and  degrading,  and  who,  through  indifference  or 
lack  of  vigilance  on  the  part  of  the  people,  possess  them- 
selves of  the  reins  of  government  and  utilize  the  power 
thus  acquired  not  for  the  public  good,  but  for  their  own 
vulgar  aggrandizement  and  self-exaltation.  Long  enough, 
McManesism,  have  you  been  making  your  war  against 
the  unorganized  people ;  long  enough  have  your  unkempt 
followers  and  curb-stoue  heelers  proficient  in  rascality 
in  every  form,  stood  as  a  menace  and  a  terror  to  men 
whose  offense  has  been  that  they  sought  to  exercise  their 
citizen's  rights  and  cast  their  votes,  without  dictation  or 
advice  from  you.  Now  you  shall  witness  a  change.  The 
sleeping  lion  which  you  so  persistently  kicked  and  prod- 
ded and  abused,  has  at  last  been  aroused  and  you  shall 
find,  by  a  test  more  practical  and  compulsory  than  will 
be  to  the  suddenly  acquired  luxury  of  your  tastes  agree- 
able, how  insignificant,  after  all,  is  this  power  by  which 
you  have  awed  and  intimidated  men  in  the  past.  Fools 
may  you  well  be  called.  The  vulgar  love  of  tinsel  and 
scarlet,  outstripping  discreetness  and  smothering  honesty, 
has  led  you  to  believe  that  with  your  trickery  and  politi- 
cal jugglery  you  could  build  uv  and  maintain  a  limited 
(84) 


THE  FALL  or  BOSSISM.  85 

Despotism,  and  that,  too,  in  a  city  wliicli,  upon  a  time, 
under  the  goad  of  cruel  oppression,  arose  in  its  young 
vigor  and  might,  and  rang  out  a  Declaration  that  smote 
tyrants  with  pallid  fear,  and  in  stern,  unequivocal 
speech  taught  kings  to  be  humble.  Short-sighted,  puny 
creatures !  Independence,  which  has  been  the  thews  and 
sinews  of  the  Nation,  was  not  born  here  to  be  overcome 
and  eradicated  by  you, — crafty  interlopers  of  unheroic 
stock;  nor  has  that  sacred  hall,  white-towered,  and 
eloquent  in  dumb  pleading,  with  its  age-tarnished  bell, 
lost  the  power  to  stir  men's  souls  when  their  rights  and 
liberties  are  threatened,  whether  by  you  or  by  less  treach- 
erous foreign  foe. 

There  is  old  William  Conway  I  Though  his  appeal  for 
his  citizen's  rights  has  been  slighted  and  mocked,  there 
is  fire  in  men's  hearts  that  will  be  kindled  into  a  danger- 
ous flame  by  that  act.  Too  much  of  "nature's  nobility" 
is  here  among  men,  too  little  of  that  artificial  quality 
which  elsewhere  is  reserved  for  the  "favored  of  the 
king,"  and  in  which  lurks  merely  a  verbose  and  ear- 
wearying  title,  to  permit  a  failure  to  arouse  men  at  sight 
of  such  doings.  Mark  well  the  fact:  consequences  will 
grow  out  of  it. 

Even  now  events,  springing  from  the  perturbed  souls 
of  men,  are  crowding  thickly  one  upou  another.  Currents 
and  counter-currents  are  setting  in  and  beating  savagely 
against  the  foundation  of  Bossism's  strongest  fortress 
which  yet  stands  firm,  with  windows  and  port-holes 
guarded,  and  with  white,  anxious  faces  looking  out  upon 
the  raging  waters.  Bland  Mayor  Stokley  is  there,  not  so 
much  a  Boss  as  formerly,  but  with  deep  policy  written  on 
his  countenance  and  with  manners  conciliatory  and  re- 


86 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 


respectful.  Difficult  is  the  Mayor's  position  now ;  waters 
pressing  against  him  from  without,  yet  with  some  kindly 
favored  currents;  and  half  suspicious  glances  from  friends 
and  household  members  from  within.  Upon  the  outward 
tumult  tJie  Mayor  looks  with  benign  self-composure,  as  if 
he  were  one  of  the  promoters  of  the  uproar,  and  had 
been  merely  cast  away  and  borne  to  the  enemy's  strong- 
hold by  mistake,  and  now  was  anxious  to  escape.  Such 
is  the  Mayor's  expression  when  looked  at  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  attacking  forces  without ;  how  his  counten- 
ance appears  to  those  who  view  it  from  within,  the  out- 
siders cannot  know. 

The  Keform  fever,  meantime,  is  spreading  and  many 
persons  are  becoming  infected.  In  the  most  unexpected 
places  it  breaks  out ;  dissatisfied  humanity,  emulating 
the  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  is  colloguing  together 
with  a  view  to  forming  clubs.  The  public  ear  soon  be- 
comes familiar  with  the  names  of  the  Veteran's  Associa- 
tion, the  Union  League  of  America,  the  Minute  Men  the 
Keim  Club,  and  a  host  of  other  designations  expressive 
of  a  stout  determination  to  give  the  people  a  chance, 
through  each  aforementioned  organization  individually, 
to  annihilate  Bossism  and  accept  what  they  have  to  offer 
in  place  thereof,  each  separate  club  having  a  candidate 
of  its  own  for  Mayor,  upon  whose  election  depends  the 
overthrow  of  the  entire  system  of  Bossism,  which  view  of 
the  matter  the  numerous  clubs  vie  with  each  other  in  en- 
deavoring to  impress  upon  the  minds  of  the  One  Hundred. 
There  is  the  name  of  Keim  I  Plain  citizen,  business  man 
and  loyal  Eepublican.  He  is  looking  confidently  for- 
ward to  the  party  nomination  by  the  Republicans  for 
Mayor  against  Mr.  Stokley ;  believes  two  terms  ought  to 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  87 

be  enough  for  Mayor  Stokley,  despite  the  plea  of  the  lat- 
ter's  friends  to  the  effect  that  his  vigorous  suppression  of 
gamblers  and  housebreakers  should  secure  him  the  office 
for  life.  Nevertheless  Mr.  Keim  has  hopes,  as  he  has  reason 
to  have,  for  assurances  have  been  given  him  by  persons 
influential  with  the  dispensing  power  in  politics,  that  he 
shall  have  the  nomination  ;  and  his  friends  throughout 
the  city  go  on  forming  their  clubs  and  hiring  bands  of 
music  to  develop  enthusiasm  in  the  interest  of  their 
candidate. 

Quietly  the  work  goes  forward  on  the  part  of  the  One 
Hundred  ;  quietly  they  formulate  their  plans  and  discuss 
their  prospects.  The  3d  of  December  is  come,  and  with 
it  comes  their  first  meeting  as  a  body.  Temporary  Chair 
man  Little  in  the  chair,  Francis  B.  Reeves,  Secretary, 
and  the  meeting  place  the  Board  of  Trade  Rooms.  Im- 
portant is  this  first  meeting,  for  there  is  to  be  elected  a 
permanent  chairman,  who  has  already  been  agreed  upon 
in  the  person  of  citizen  Philip  C.  Garrett  of  German- 
town,  retired  merchant,  with  leisure  and  pecuniary 
means  which  will  enable  him  to  give  time  to  the  work 
devolving  upon  him,  as  the  Committee's  Executive. 
Preliminary  to  the  business  in  question,  Mr,  James  A, 
Wright  submits  a  motion  to  the  effect  that  the  officers 
shall  consist  of  a  Chairman,  first  and  second  Vice-Chair- 
man,  Treasurer,  Secretary,  and  a  first  and  a  second  Assis- 
tant Secretary.  Mr.  John  E.  Graeff"  offers  a  motion  for  the 
appointment  by  the  chair  of  a  committee  of  three,  whose 
business  shall  be  the  nomination  of  officers,  and  the 
chair  appoints  Mr,  Graeflf,  Joel  J.  Bailey  and  Henry 
Winsor  as  the  committee,  which  at  once  retires,  and  the 
meeting  takes  a  recess  until  it  returns. 
4 


88  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSTSM. 

After  a  brief  absence  the  committee  appears  and  sub- 
mits its  report :  for  Permanent  Chairman,  Philip  C. 
Garrett ;  First  Vice-Cliairman,  James  A.  Wright ;  Second 
Vice-Chairman,  Francis  B.  Reeves ;  Treasurer,  A.  J. 
Drexel ;  Secretary,  George  W.  Farr ;  First  and  Second 
Assistant  Secretaries,  Robert  R.  Corson  and  Charles  B. 
Adamson. 

The  report  is  accepted,  the  officers  unanimously  elected 
and  amid  demonstrations  of  applause  Chairman  Garrett 
takes  the  seat  which  is  resigned  to  him  by  his  friend  and 
neighbor,  Mr.  Little. 

Mr.  John  Wanamaker  presents  the  first  resolution 
under  the  new  chairman.  It  is  to  the  effect  that  "in 
order  to  perfect  the  organization  the  chairman  be  author- 
ized to  appoint  the  following  committees  :  an  Executive 
Committee,  to  consist  of  twenty-five  members;  a  Com- 
mittee on  Legislation,  to  consist  of  fifteen  members;  a 
Committee  on  Finance,  to  consist  of  twenty-five  mem- 
bers ;  a  Committee  on  Public  Meetings,  to  consist  of  fifteen 
members;  and  a  committee  on  Ward  Organization,  to 
consist  of  thirty-one  members;  "and  inasmuch,"  citizen 
Wanamaker's  resolution  goes  on,  "  as  there  is  not  in  the 
membership  of  the  Committee  one  representative  from 
each  of  the  thirty-one  wards,  the  chair  be  hereby  author- 
ized to  constitute  a  committee  on  Ward  Organization,  con- 
sisting of,  at  least,  one  member  from  each  ward,"  which 
resolution  is  also  unanimously  adopted. 

Another  motion,  by  Mr.  John  Field,  that  the  chairmen 
of  all  Standing  Committees  shall  be  ex  officio  members  of 
the  Executive  Committee,  is  carried ;  as  also  is  a  motion 
by  Mr.  John  McLaughlin,  to  the  effect  that  all  resolutions 
and  communications  received  by  the  General  Committee 


THE  FALL  OF  EOSSISM.  89 

be  referred  to  the  proper  Standing  Committees,  without 
debate.  Mr.  Eudolph  Blankenburg  moves  that  the 
Executive  committee,  when  appointed,  be  requested  to 
report,  at  an  early  day,  a  plan  of  action  and  rules  for  the 
government  of  the  organization.  The  meeting  then  ad- 
journs, to  come  together  at  the  call  of  the  Chair.  Yet, 
a  word  more:  two  significant  things  have  happened, 
which  rather  indicate  the  importance  the  Committee 
has  already  acquired  in  the  eyes  of  other  political 
organizations.  The  City  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Republicans — composed  largely  of  obsequious  supporters 
of  Bossism — has  sent  a  letter  congratulating  the  Com- 
mittee on  its  determination  to  battle  for  Eeform,  and 
diplomatically  pledging  itself  to  co-operate  with  the 
latter  body  in  its  work  and  assuming  that  the  latter  will, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  renominate  Mr.  Stokley. 

The  other  communication  is  from  the  Union  League  of 
America,  which  is  supporting  Mr.  Keim,  and  hints  that 
the  proper  thing  for  the  Committee  to  do  is  to  nominate 
Mr.  Keim  which  letter,  Avith  the  other,  is  taken  charge  of 
and  laid  away  for  future  use  among  the  Secretary's  papers. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  GAS  TRUST   "COURTS  INVESTIGATION." 

The  "  dear  people"  have  as  much  as  they  can  do, 
watching  events  in  this  now  wide  awake  city.  To  keep 
trace  of  everything  that  is  turning  up  politically,  is  a  task 
requiring  sharp  eyes  and  ears.  So  much  is  happening 
these  days,  so  much  more  is  threatening.  Leaving  out  of 
question  that  which  is  yet  unrealized,  enough  will  be 
found  in  the  record  of  each  day's  acts  to  impress  the 
mind  with  an  idea  of  the  extent  of  the  influences  which 
are  working  a  change  in  the  political  balances  of  the 
municipality  and  laying  a  sure  foundation  for  new 
doctrines  which  have  long  been  frowned  down  and 
sneered  at  by  those  whose  interests  were  best  served  by 
the  continued  supreraacj''  of  Bossism  and  its  pernicious 
methods. 

In  this  preliminary  political  skirmish  two  distinct  sets 
of  fighters  are  discernible  as  aggressors.  The  Citizen's 
Committee,  among  the  people,  in  radical  ways,  though 
yet  scarce  fully  equipped,  are  sapping  the  enemy's 
strength.  President  Caven  and  Messrs.  Page,  Hunter 
and  King  in  the  City  Councils  are  engaged  with  equal 
vigor  in  the  same  operations,  conducted  under  parlia- 
mentary restrictions.  Upon  the  actions  of  both,  the 
interest  and  the  sympathy  of  the  populace  are  centred. 
From  the  wards  and  precincts,  where  the  despotic  hand 
of  Bossism  has  for  years  stifled  all  political  independence, 
come  words  of  encouragement  and  hope.  The  dissatisfied, 
the  wronged  and  the  abused  alike,rally  around  the  standard 
of  the  popular  cause,  and  crave  a  place  in  the  ranks,  to 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  91 

do  whatever  work  may  be  assigned  to  them,  content  if 
they  be  only  allowed  to  contribute  their  mite  toward  the 
overthrow  of  the  mischievous  schemers  against  men's 
rights. 

The  Councilmanic  proceedings  at  this  stage  of  things 
will  bear  watching.  The  virtue  of  figures  is  being  ex- 
emplified in  a  notable  way ;  and  the  usefulness  of  Con  - 
troller  Pattison,  as  an  adjunct  to  the  Reform  quartette  in 
Councils,  is  being  strikingly  illustrated  by  daily  acts  in 
connection  with  certain  matters  somewhat  distasteful  to 
that  formidable  source  of  popular  dissatisfaction,  the  Gas 
Trust,  Since  Mr.  Pattison's  re-election  there  has  been  a 
considerable  amount  of  night-work  ;  considerable  exami- 
nation"of  books  and  records  on  the  part  of  the  skillful  Chief 
Clerk  Hirst,  and  there  have  also  been  conversations  and 
quiet  meetings  over  the  result  of  Chief  Clerk  Hirst's 
work,  between  the  Controller  and  the  quartette  of 
Eeform  Councilmen.  Latterly  the  press  has  discovered 
that  something  important  is  passing  between  them,  and 
the  continuous  agitation  of  the  mystery  in  its  columns 
only  serves  to  intensify  public  curiosity  and  excitement. 

In  Councils,  meantime,  the  Gas  Trust  servitors  are  be- 
coming more  irascible,  and  they  frequently  exhibit  evi- 
dence of  chagrin  and  annoyance,  a  fact  which  Davis 
Page  can  bear  testimony  to,  inasmuch  as  he  finds  them 
so  much  easier  to  arouse  these  days  than  heretofore,  though 
injustice  to  Davis  as  a  vitalizing  influence,  it  should  be 
observed  that  they  have  always  had  a  sensitive  hide  for 
his  caustic  touch.  No  marvel  is  it  to  him,  who  has  been 
making  war  on  the  Gas  Trust  from  the  beginning  of  his 
Councilmanic  career,  that  its  puppets  in  Councils  dance 
easily  now,  since  there  is  so  much  more  cause.     What 


92  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

Mr.  Page  should  marvel  at,  if  he  does  at  all,  h  the  exis- 
tence, after  his  present  term  expires,  of  the  remotest  chance 
of  his  return  to  Councils,  if  James  McManes  and  hia 
brother  Trustees  continue  to  be  a  power  in  politics.  Not 
without  many  warnings  of  vengeance  does  the  aggressive 
Councilman  pursue  his  fight.  Abundant  cause  would 
he  have  to  hesitate  and  ponder  over  probable  consequences 
were  his  nature  of  a  softer  mould ;  but  being  aggressive 
and  of  uncompromising  convictions,  he  goes  steadily  for- 
ward, knowing  no  course  but  that  of  stern  duty.  No  small 
thing  is  it  to  wage  a  fight  against  the  Gas  Trust ;  for,  so 
great  has  become  the  power  of  this  political  Goliath,  of 
late  years]  that  few  indeed,  are  the  ones  who  care 
to  brave  its  wrath.  If  examples  of  the  consequences 
of  such  rashness  are  needed,  there  is  one  close  at 
hand  in  the  person  of  aggressive  Councilman  Clark,  of 
the  Ninth  Ward,  champion  of  people's  rights,  like 
Davis  Page,  and  like  him  also  mathematical,  which  in- 
tellectual gift  kept  him  always  puzzling  his  brains  over 
Gas  Trust  official  reports,  until  forced  to  the  conclusion 
that  they  were  incomprehensible  which  fact  he  boldly 
declared  in  Common  Council,  at  the  same  time  demand- 
ing a  clearer  exposition  of  the  Trustees'  methods  of 
management  ofthe  public  property  entrusted  to  their  care, 
which  the  Trustee's  did  not  give,  but  instead  gave  an  ex- 
position of  their  methods  of  carrying  Councilmanic  elec- 
tions, where  obnoxious  candidates  are  concerned,  and 
boldly  defeated  Mr.  Clark  next  time  he  ran,  which  is  an 
example  of  the  treatment  accorded  all  persons  who  dared 
raise  their  voices  in  protest  against  loose  system  and  mis- 
management in  city  affairs 

IVIeantime,  popular  feeling  against  the  Gas  Trust  has 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  93 

been  so  wrought  up  by  the  publication  of  charges  of  mis- 
management and  fraud  that  the  demand  for  an  investiga- 
tion of  the  accounts  of  the  Trustees  becomes  too  strong 
to  be  resisted,  and  Mr.  McManes,  as  chief  spokesman  of 
the  Trust  announces,  with  smooth  politic  air  and  in 
time-honored  phrase,  that  he  and  his  colleagues  "  court 
investigation."  A  resolution  providing  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  joint  committee  of  investigation,  composed  of 
six  members  from  each  chamber  is,  accordingly,  on  the 
18th  of  November,  introduced  in  Common  Council, 
by  Mr.  Bardsley ;  and  in  pursuance  of  its  provisions 
President  Caven  appoints  as  the  Common  Council  Com- 
mittee Messrs.  Bardsley,  S.  Davis  Page,  John  Hunter, 
Samuel  C.  Collins,  and  Walter  E.  Rex,  with  himself  as 
member  ex  officio. 

Now  on  this  particular  day  accident  or  design  con- 
tributes very  decidedly,  in  the  Select  branch  of  the  Coun- 
cils, to  the  advantage  of  the  Gas  Trust.  The  President  of 
that  body  is  a  citizen  of  standing  in  the  community,  Mr. 
George  A.  Smith.  Although  President  Smith  has  not  at 
any  time  distinguished  himself  as  a  Reformer,  he  has 
perhaps  done  the  best  he  knew,  and  has  kept  himself 
until  this  hour  comparatively  free  from  the  strictures  of 
the  press ;  perhaps  more  free  than  he  has  deserved.  At 
any  rate,  no  act  in  his  official  career  has  ever  been  cal- 
culated to  try  the  patience  of  the  people  to  the  extent 
which  his  conduct  in  this  crisis  of  aflfairs  in  the  Councils 
tries  the  confidence  of  men  on  this  important  day.  When 
the  joint  resolution  for  the  appointment  of  the  Committee 
comes  over  from  the  Common  chamber  to  the  Select 
branch  for  action,  President  Smith  is  absent  from  the 
Chair;  has  left  at  the  mercy  of  one  of  the  strongest 


94  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

partisans*  of  the  Gas  Trustees  to  be  found  iu  either 
branch  of  the  Councils,  this  legislative  body.  The  result 
is  what  would  naturally  be  expected.  The  Select 
Council  part  of  the  Committee  is  made  up  entirely  of 
men  who  are  friendly  to  the  Gas  Trust,  who  owe  their 
election  to  its  political  influence,  and  who,  in  times  past, 
have  ever  stood  as  the  defenders  of  this  most  insolent 
self-constituted  arbiter  of  men's  political  rights. 

The  thing  has  been  done  ;  it  is  useless  for  the  people 
or  their  leaders  to  waste  words  in  vain  regrets.  Parlia- 
mentary rules  do  not  define  as  a  crime  the  act  of  a  pre- 
siding officer  who  abandons  his  post  in  such  an  hour,  nor 
do  they  restrict  him  in  the  choice  of  a  substitute  to  serve 
in  his  absence,  in  view  of  which  facts,  time  spent  in  brood- 
ing over  an  opportunity  lost  is  energy  wasted. 

To  follow  the  proceedings  of  this  Committee  to  their 
close  is  to  follow  one  of  the  leading  issues  of  the  contest 
between  the  Reformers  and  the  Bosses  in  the  fierce 
struggle  for  the  possession  of  the  important  city  offices 
during  the  next  three  months.  At  the  very  outset  the 
friends  of  the  Trustees  on  the  Committee  show  their  bias, 
and  more  than  show  it.  To  anything  like  a  full  and 
clear  investigation  they  make  their  opposition  felt  in  a 
manner  that  is  annoying  and  obstructive ;    and  to  the 


*  President  Smith,  on  the  day  this  joint  resolution  was  presented  in 
Common  Councils,  vacated  his  Chair  in  the  Select  branch  on  the  plea 
that  important  business  engagements  required  his  presence  elsewhere, 
and  called  upon  Councilman  John  McCullough  to  prtside  in  his  place. 
Mr.  McCuUough  was,  therefore,  in  the  Chair  when  the  resolution  came 
over  from  Common  Council  and,  having  been  concurred  in  by  the  Select 
Chamber,  he  proceeded  to  appoint  as  the  cooamittee  from  Select  Coun- 
cil, Adam  Albright,  John  G.  Brooke,  Wm.  E.  Eejburn,  James L.  Males, 
Wm.  McMuUen,  with  President  Smith,  as  member  ex  officio. 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  95 

stranger  who  sits  as  a  spectator  during  any  of  the  Com- 
mittee sessions,  it  would  be  most  difficult  to  discover  from 
observation  whether  some  of  the  Select  Council  members 
of  the  Committee  were  in  reality  members  acting  in  an 
official  capacity  or  whether  they  were  the  paid  attorneys 
of  the  Gas  Trust.  No  technical  point  that  can  be  raised 
to  exclude  important  testimony  as  to  the  mismanagement 
of  the  affairs  of  the  Trust,  is  allowed  to  escape  their 
notice,  but  is  seized  with  alacrity  and  presented  as  a 
barrier  to  the  progress  of  the  inquiry  after  simple  facts. 

Thus  the  inquiry  goes  on  through  the  months,  with 
Caven  and  Page  and  Hunter  searching  with  careful, 
laborious  application,  into  the  truth  of  such  transactions 
as  they  have  record  of;  and  such  as  they  do  not  have 
record  of,  letting  alone  for  the  present.  The  discourage- 
ments they  meet  with  are  frequent ;  the  impediments 
thrown  in  their  way  are  constant.  Transactions  here,  on 
their  face  suspicious,  require  certain  corroboration  which 
is  only  to  be  found  in  books  and  records  securely  hidden 
away  in  the  vaults  and  tight  chambers  of  the  Gas  Trus- 
tees' headquarters,  on  Seventh  street.  Repeated  civil 
requests  for  the  production  of  these  necessary  instruments 
are  met  by  various  excuses,  and  also  by  frequent  promises 
of  compliance.  Yet  they  never  appear.  Fi-om  requesting 
their  production  to  demanding  their  production  is  not 
any  more  successful.  Ingenious  pretexts  are  day  after 
day  put  forward  before  the  Committee  in  explana- 
tion of  the  absence  of  the  data  which  is  to  establish  the 
integrity  of  these  complacent  gentlemen  who  "  court  in- 
vestigation." 

Finally  a  new  plan  is  adopted.  If  written  evidence 
cannot  be  secured,  the  Committee  will  call  the  Trustees 


96  THE   PALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

themselves,  and  also  their  chief  accountants.  The 
Trustees  are  requested  to  appear,  but  they  pay  no  more 
heed  to  the  request  than  they  would  to  the  voice  of  the 
wind.  The  requests  are  repeated,  the  time  and  the  place 
are  invariably  appointed  for  them  to  meet  the  Committee 
but  they  never  show  their  presence,  nor  signify  by  word 
or  sign  any  acknowledgement  of  the  receipt  of  any 
notice. 

The  Committee  next  endeavor  to  secure  the  attendance 
of  the  Cashier.  The  evidence  of  this  employe  is  most 
important.  Nothing  would  more  certainly  throw  light 
upon  the  long-hidden  mysteries  of  Gas  Trust  manage- 
ment or  mismanagement  than  the  testimony  of  this  man, 
if  he  told  the  truth.  Messengers  are  dispatched  after 
Cashier  White,  and  notes  are  written  to  him,  none  of 
which  produce  the  least  effect,  the  Cashier  being  too  busy 
to  respond  in  any  form.  At  length  he  is  indulged  to  the 
extent  of  a  visit  from  members  of  the  Committee,  whom 
he  receives  from  behind  an  open  ledger,  with  one  pen  in 
his  mouth  and  another  behind  his  ear,  in  which  position 
he  looks  doggedly  at  the  Councilmanic  delegation, 
through  steel-rimmed  spectacles.  The  brief  parley  the 
visitors  have  with  him,  is  anything  but  satisfactory.  The 
Cashier  bluntly  tells  them  he  has  no  time  to  attend  in- 
vestigations. The  request  for  books  and  papers  to  aid 
in  the  investigation  is  again  met  by  an  ingenious  ex- 
cuse* It  is  in  vain  the  Cashier  is  told  that  his  employers 
have  assured  the  public  that  they  "  court  investigation." 
The  Cashier  seems  to  be  supreme  in  his  position  for  once; 
appears  to  take  no  instructions  from  his  employers  who 
blandly  assure  the  Committee  that  they  have  ordered 
hirn  to  appear  and  to  furnish  any  books  and  papers  that 


THE  FALL   OF    BOSSISM.  97 

may  be  desired.  And  thus  the  Cashier  still  maintains 
his  position  behind  the  deslv,  with  his  ponderous  ledger 
before  him,  and  with  his  numerous  surplus  pens  scattered 
all  about  him,  the  investigation,  meantime,  going  on 
with  such  random  scraps  of  evidence  as  the  Committee  is 
able  to  get  together.  There  will  be  a  report  to  deliver, 
one  of  these  days ;  and  therein  will  be  shown  some  sur- 
prising results,  notwithstanding  the  discouragements  now 
thrown  in  the  way  of  a  fair  and  imjiartial  inquiry. 

The  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  has 
been  occupied,  in  the  meantime,  selecting  members  of 
the  several  Standing  committees.*  On  the  11th  of  De- 
cember the  second  meeting  is  held,  and  the  committees 
are  announced  by  Chairman  Garrett,  whereby  cons- 
siderable  public  curiosity  and  expectation  are  satisfied. 
The  Executive  committee,  which  is  the  important  body 
at  this  stage  of  the  organization,  assumes  its  new  func- 
tions with  promptness,  and  under  the  lead  of  its  chair- 
man, Mr.  Little,  retires  to  a  corner  of  the  room,  to  pre- 

*  The  members  of  the  Standing  Committees,  as  announced  [by  Chair- 
man Garrett,  at  the  second  meeting  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred, 
were  as  follows : 

Executive  Committee :  Amos  R.  Little,  chairman  ;  James  A.  "Wright, 
Rudolph  Blankenburg,  Henry  Winsor,  Francis  B.  Reeves,  John  Field, 
William  Arrott,  George  Whitney,  James  Boubright,  George  N.  Allen, 
J.  C.  Strawbridge,  J.  T.  Audenreid,  John  Wanamaker,  John  E.  Graeff, 
Joshua  L.  Baily,  George  H.  Earle.  Samuel  G.  Scott,  Thomas  S.  Harrison, 
E.  Dunbar  Lockwood,  H.  W.  Pitkin.  T.  Morris  Perot,  Theodore  Justice, 
Benjamin  H.  Shoemaker,  William  Wood,  Ellis  D.  Williams.  Members 
ex  officio:  Philip  C.  Garrett,  Joel  J.  Baily,  John  McLaughliu,  E.  R. 
^Wood,  H.  W.  Bartol,  George  W.  Farr. 

Finance  Committee:  Joel  J.  Baily.  chairman ;  Henry  C.  Lea,  Charles 
Wheeler,  Edward  S.  Whelen,  William  Sellers,  Alexander  Brown,  B.  B. 
Comegys,  George  Whitney,  Wm.  B.  Bement,  Henry  C.  Gibson,  Charles 
H.  Rogers,  James  S.  Mason,  Henry  Lewis,  Eben  C.  Jayne,  Lemuel  Coffin, 
W.  W.  Frazier,  Jr.,  Edward  Longstreth,  John  T.  Bailey,  David  Scull,  Jr., 


98  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

pare  a  report  to  be  submitted  to  the  general  Committee. 
This  report,  which  is  presently  read  by  the  Secretary, 
Mr.  Ellis  D.  Williams,  presents  first,  a  method  for  govern- 
ing the  proceedings  of  the  general  Committee,  and  pro- 
poses that  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  of 
the  United  States,  so  far  as  applicable,  be  adopted  as  the 
rules  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  The  order  of 
business  shall  be:  first,  roll  call;  second,  reading  the 
minutes;  third,  reading  communications ;  fourth,  reports 
of  committees ;  fifth,  unfinished  business ;  and  sixth,  new 
business.  The  general  Committee  by  a  unanimous  vote 
adopts  this  part  of  the  report. 

The  remainder  of  the  report,  among  other  things,  de- 
fines the  duties  of  the  other  Standing  committees.  The 
duty  of  the  committee  on  Ward  Organization  shall  be 
to  organize,  in  such  manner  as  shall  afford  all  persons 


A.  J.  Drexel,  F.  R.  Shelton,  Charles  J.  Cohen,  Amos  R.  Little,  Charles 
H.  Biles,  W.  H.  Jenks. 

Legislative  Committee:  Edward  R.Wood,  chairman;  Thomas  Hart, 
Jr.,  Ellis  D.  Williams,  Joseph  Parrish,  Clayton  French,  Samuel  G.  Scott, 
Charles  Spencer  Edwin  R.  Cope,  James  Spear,  William  H.  Trotter,  A. 
C.  Thomas,  Alexander  Whilldin,  William  Brockie,  D.  R.  C4arrison. 

Committee  on  Ward  Organization:  John  McLaughlin,  chairman; 
George  H.  Earle,  Seville  Schofield,  John  C.  Watt,  David  Branson,  John 
P.  Verree,  James  Dobson,  Godfrey  Keebler,  John  F,  Craig,  H.  JI.  Oliver, 
Matthew  H.  Crawford,  J.  Frederick  Loeble,  Alexander  Simpson,  Jr., 
Charles  Roberts,  Samuel  Croft,  A.  A.  Catauach,  Theodore  Megargee, 
L.  C.  Madeira,  Oliver  Evans,  James  Peters,  George  Watson,  Jabez  Gates, 
R.  H.  Griffith,  Samuel  Hecht,  R.  E.  Hastings,  Thomas  Potter,  Jr., 
George  D.  McCreary,  H.  T.  Coates,  Rudolph  Blankenburg,  Thohias  J. 
Child,  James  S.  Mason,  Alexander  Whilldin,  James  Graham,  A.  J. 
Drexel,  D.  R.  Garrison. 

Committee  on  Public  Meetings:  H.  W.  Bartol,  chairman;  Edward  H.* 
Coates,  Wm.  T.  Ellison,  Thomas  G.  Morton,  Oswald  Seidensticker, 
Henry  C.  Butcher,  K.  E.  Janney,  William  Allen,  George  V.  Cresson, 
James  Graham,  C.  Wetherill,  F.  Oden  Horstman,  Charles  C.  Knight, 
George  L.  Buzby,  Morris  Kewberger. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  99 

desirous  of  cooperating  witli  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred  an  opportunity  to  give  effect  to  their  -wishes, 
auxiliary  committees  of  citizens  in  every  ward.  Tlie 
Committee  sliall  also  constantly,  during  the  political 
campaign,  report  to  the  general  Committee,  as  early  as 
possible,  for  its  approval  the  best  nominations  for  Coun- 
cils and  for  Ward  offices. 

The  mission  of  the  Committee  on  Legislation  shall  be 
to  report  to  the  general  Committee  such  measures  as  are 
necessary  in  the  interest  of  Keform  ;  and  to  submit  an 
act,  if  expedient,  "modifying  or  repealing  the  Act  cre- 
ating the  office  of  Collector  of  Delinquent  Taxes,  so  as 
to  make  it  a  salaried  office,  the  fees  to  revert  to  the  city 
Treasury,"  And  also  "  to  inquire  into  and  report  as  to 
the  practicability  of  the  repeal  of  the  Recorder's  bill." 
These  sections  of  the  Executive  committee's  report  were 
also  adopted  by  unanimous  vote,  and  the  report  was  then 
adopted  as  a  whole. 

Meantime,  the  members  of  the  committee  on  Ward 
Organization  have  also  been  getting  their  heads  together 
and  have  a  report  to  make,  the  tenor  of  which  is  the  ad- 
dition of  new  names  to  their  committee,  in  accordance 
with  citizen  John  Wanamaker's  resolution  adopted  at  the 
last  meeting,  in  order  that  each  of  the  thirty-one  Wards 
of  the  city  shall  be  represented  by  at  least  one  member 
on  the  committee  on  Ward  Organization.  The  new  mem- 
bers proposed  are  John  S.  Stephens,  Robert  V.  Barber, 
Wm,  W.  Taxis,  Peter  Boyd,  Fred  Glading,  Morris  Car- 
penter, Dr.  J.  K.  Knorr,  Isaac  A.  Sheppard,  David  H. 
Kolloch,  Clermont  Smith,  Constantino  Thorn,  and  James 
Dittie.  The  report  is  adopted  by  the  general  Committee, 
and  the  persons  named  become  members  of  the  committee 
on  Ward  Organization. 


100  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. - 

Two  motions  are  oflFered  before  the  Committee  adjourns, 
wliicli  are  fraught  with  significance,  and  might  well  be 
accepted  as  an  index  to  important  consequences.  Prim 
and  clean-shaven  Oliver  Evans — who  is  a  good  friend  to 
Mayor  Stokley — in  his  Quaker  garb,  presents  a  motion 
to  the  effect  that  the  Executive  committee  be  requested 
to  report  at  an  early  date  the  names  of  suitable  persons 
for  City  Solicitor,  Eeceiver  of  Taxes,  and  Mayor. 

Dunbar  Lockwood  arises  immediately  and  offers 
a  motion  to  the  effect  that  the  auxiliary  Ward 
committees  of  citizens,  co-operating  with  the  committee 
on  Ward  Organization  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hun- 
dred, be  requested  to  communicate  to  the  Executive  com- 
mittee their  views  as  to  candidates,  in  order  that  the 
latter  committee  may  have  the  benefit  of  their  sugges- 
tions. Both  motions  are  adopted  unanimously,  and  the 
motives  of  their  authors  now  seem  to  be  in  harmony, 
yet  there  will  come  a  time  when  both  shall  stand  face  to 
face  sternly  and  uncompromisingly  opposed  to  each 
other. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

DEMOCKATIC   AUXILIARIES. 

The  position  occupied  by  the  Democrats  during  the 
early  stage  of  this  Reform  uprising  is  a  subject  of  mucli 
speculation  and  of  no  little  concern.  Their  organization 
in  the  city  for  the  past  few  years  has  been  represented  by 
a  small  group  of  men  whose  character  and  methods,  in 
politics,  are  such  as  may  well  cause  Reformers  of  Re- 
publican faith,  eager  to  absolve  themselves  from  any 
obligation  to  support  the  corrupt  and  venal  practices  of 
McMacesism,  to  hesitate  before  casting  their  lot  with 
those  who  have  constituted  themselves  spokesmen  of  the 
Democratic  party.  To  discern  any  difference  in  objects, 
in  methods,  or  in  moral  standards  between  the  men  who 
occupy  a  position  of  prominence  before  the  people  as 
"  Democratic  leaders,"  and  those  who  have  long  been 
known  as  Republican  Bosses  would  appear  to  require 
clearer  and  more  discriminating  vision  than  has  so  far 
been  demonstrated  to  exist  among  men.  That  the  two 
elements  are  not  only  thoroughly  congenial  together,  and 
understand  each  other  much  better  than  do  their  duped 
and  betrayed  followers,  but  that  they  secretly  conspire 
together  to  defeat  candidates  of  the  people  at  the  polls 
there  is,  and  long  has  been,  evidence  abundant  and  un- 
disputed; such,  evidence  being  especially  plain  and 
glaring  in  the  case  of  Colonel  McCIure,  the  candidate 
of  the  people  for  mayor,  on  which  occasion  Democratic 
and  Republican  Bosses  combined,  making  common  cause 
against  the  interests  of  citizens  generally  and  vying  with 
each  other  in  their  efforts,  inside  and  outside  the  polls,  to 
(101) 


102  THE  FALL  OF  B0SS18M. 

perpetrate  monstrous  frauds  under  the  guidance  and  the 
protection  of  the  police. 

In  consequence  of  this  state  of  things,  the  fact  that  the 
Committee  of  One  Hundred  is  exclusively  a  Republican 
organization,  does  not  promise  much  in  the  nature  oi 
enc'juragement  for  those  so-called  political  rivals  of 
McManesism,  who,  at  every  opportunity,  so  ostentatiously 
proclaim  their  devotion  to  "  the  principles  of  pure  De- 
mocracy," and,  in  wildly  impassioned  speech,  invoke 
departed  spirits  to  sustain  their  peculiarly  vicious  acts. 
Toward  all  movements  in  favor  of  a  reform  of  public 
abuses  their  attitude  is  as  hostile,  as  uncompromisingly 
antagonistic,  as  has  ever  been  toward  the  same  movements 
the  attitude  of  their  Republican  prototypes.  Witness 
the  case  of  the  stable  Controller  Pattison.  The  only 
Democrat  occupying  a  conspicuous  position  in  the  City 
government,  he  commanded  alike,  the  respect  and  the 
support  of  the  people,  independent  of  party.  The 
highest  ideal  of  a  faithful  administration,  and  of  a  pains- 
taking and  capable  official,  was  represented  in  the  con- 
ception the  people  had  formed  of  the  management  of  the 
Controller's  office,  and  of  the  character  of  its  official 
head.  In  snite  of  the  prestige  of  repeated  successes  at 
the  polls,  however,  where  other  members  of  his  party  had 
failed,  Pattison  found  little  countenance  from  his  own 
party  leaders.  Among  them  his  triumphs  awakened  rio 
spark  of  enthusiasm,  and  his  enviable  public  record,  the 
theme  of  praise  even  among  his  political  opponents,brought 
no  word  of  encouragement  or  of  commendation  from 
those  who  professsed  to  uphold,  in  common  with  himself, 
the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party.  Rather  were 
they  chagrined  and  sullen,  as  if  resenting  the  success  of 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  J,OS 

one  Democrat  in  view  of  the  defeat  of  so  many  others 
more  in  accord  with  their  peculiar  aims,  however  they 
may  have  been  with  the  aims  of  the  peoijle. 

The  chasm  between  Pattison  and  this  class  of  his  party 
members  seemed  to  grow  perceptibly  wider  with  the  in- 
auguration of  the  One  Hundred's  new  scheme  of  reform, 
— with  which  he  was  known  to  be  in  active  sympathy — and 
with  the  beginning  of  the  investigation  of  the  Gas  Trust, 
to  which  he  contributed  valuable  assistance.  His  official 
conduct,  in  brief,  proved  beyond  a  doubt  that  he  had  no 
sympathy  with  the  objects  and  purposes  of  these  men, 
and  that  his  elevation  to  a  position  of  power  and  influence 
meant  no  advancement  of  their  personal  or  political 
fortunes.  More  than  this,  he  seemed  to  have  no  regard 
for  the  stock  supply  of  crude  and  indiscriminate 
"traditions"  of  the  party  which  the  most  unprincipled 
and  untrustworthy  of  ''  leaders  "  so  largely  depended  upon 
in  their  efforts  to  keep  the  zeal  of  their  followers  inflamed 
in  order  that  they  might  the  more  effectually  betray  them 
for  a  sordid  consideration -into  the  hands  of  their  political 
foes ;  and  even  less  regard  for  the  venerable  party  oracles 
who,  surviving  through  countless  disasters — which  they 
had  no  small  share  in  contributing  to — nevertheless  held 
themselves  ever  ready  to  tender  advice  and  to  exact 
homage  and  flattering  recognition  as  among  the  least  of 
the  returns  to  be  expected,  for  the  inestimable  privilege 
of  consulting  their  venerable  judgment  upon  all  important 
official  and  party  questions.  In  every  sense  he  repre- 
sented a  new  and  more  progressive  element  of  the  De- 
mocracy which  the  old  pensioners  of  the  party  could  not 
but  regard  with  disfavor. 

The  election  of  Pattison  and  the  organization  of  the 


104  THE  PALL  or  BOSSISM. 

Committee  of  One  Hundred  then,  while  they  "brought 
anything  but  cause  for  congratulation  to  those  eager  and 
expectant  persons  known  as  "  Democratic  leaders,"  did 
bring  out  of  a  seclusion  induced  by  an  antipathy  to  the 
disreputable  associations  and  methods  of  those  leaders, 
a  new  element  of  the  Democratic  party,  composed  largely 
of  young  men  of  character  and  ability  who  were  deter- 
mined to  be  swayed  by  no  partisan  consideration,  but  to 
do  their  part  as  good  citizens  towards  securing  better 
government  and  reforming  the  abuses  in  the  Public 
Departments.  That  they  had  the  right  from  a  party 
standpoint  to  claim  a  share  of  the  credit  for  reforms  thus 
far  secured,  or  for  reform  movements  recently  inaugu- 
rated, the  acts  of  Mr.  Page  and  Mr.  King  in  the  city 
Councils,  of  Mr.  Pattison  outside  the  Councils,  and,  still 
further  back  of  Messrs.  Ashmead,  Tatham,  and  others  of 
the  old  Municipal  Reform  Association  bore  unmistakable 
testimony.  Before  proceeding  to  take  any  steps  in  the 
way  of  organization,  however,  there  was  to  be  considered 
a  question  of  vital  importance.  The  Committee  of  One 
Hundied,  as  yet,  had  not  signified  any  disposition  to 
cooperate  with  any  Democratic  organization  in  this  work 
of  Reform,  nor  had  it  by  any  word  or  act  i)idicated  that 
it  was  likely  to  go  outside  its  own  party  to  secure  candi- 
dates for  the  three  important  City  offices.  Earnest  and 
disinterested  in  the  Reform  cause  as  were  these  new  and 
conservative  recruits  from  the  ranks  of  the  Democracy, 
they  must  have  been  more  than  human  did  they  not 
hesitate  to  give  their  aid  to  Chairman  Garrett's 
Republican  organization  while  there  was  reason  to 
believe  that  the  latter  body  was  not  disposed  to 
free  itself  so  completely  from  partisan  considerations  as 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  105 

to  enable  it  to  make  its  selection  of  candidates  without 
regard  to  the  claims  and  the  prejudices  of  party.  For 
the  office  of  Mayor,  of  Receiv^er  of  Taxes  and  of  City 
Solicitor,  there  had  been  no  mention  by  the  Committee 
of  any  candidates  who  were  not  Republican.  On  the 
other  hand  there  had  been  a  decided  feeling  among  the 
best  element  of  the  Democrats — the  Pattison  wing  of  the 
party — in  favor  of  Councilman  John  Hunter,  a  Republi- 
can, for  Receiver  of  Taxes.  The  candidacy  of  Mr. 
Hunter  was  very  strongly  urged  by  his  Democratic  col- 
leagues in  Councils,  Messrs.  Page  and  King,  and  by  Mr. 
Pattison.  In  the  meantime  some  of  the  Democrats  had 
been  recommending  as  a  candidate  for  City  Solicitor,  a 
member  of  their  own  party,  Mr.  Edward  R.  Worrell.  The 
office  of  Mayor,  according  to  the  unwritten  rules  of  party 
etiquette  (the  Republicans  being  in  the  majority  in  the 
city)  belonged  to  the  Republicans,  and  there  was  a 
general  disposition  among  the  Reform  Democrats  to 
concede  to  the  Reformers  of  the  opposite  party 
what  they  believed  to  be  no  more  than  one  of  their 
rights.  At  the  same  time  nothing  was  more 
clearly  established  than  the  fact  that  the  nominee  for  this 
office,  in  order  to  gain  the  Democratic  support,  must  be 
one  whose  record  was  absolutely  free  from  partisanship 
and  who  could  command  the  respect  of  the  best  people 
of  both  parties.  By  some  of  the  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  One  Hundred,  several  names  had  already  been 
mentioned,  among  them,  that  of  Edward  T.  Steel,  a 
retired  merchant  of  large  means,  resident  in  Germantown, 
who  had  never  sought  political  honors  of  any  kind 
but  had  for  some  years  past  rendered  useful  service  to  the 
cause  of  public  education  as  a  member  of  the  School 


106  THE   FALL  OF   BOSSISM. 

Board  and  latterly  as  its  President.  The  name  of  Mr. 
George  De  Beuneville  Keim  also  continues  to  be  can- 
vassed, but  his  candidacy  is  generally  viewed  in  the  light 
of  a  partisan  affair,  Mr.  Keim's  friends  being  hopeful 
of  his  nomination  by  the  regular  Republican 
Convention.  Another  Republican  favorite  is  Richard 
Peterson,  whoes  friends  carry  his  name  before  the 
Committee  of  One  Hundred,  and  let  it  be  known  that 
he  too  is  a  candidate.  So  many  candidates,  in  short, 
were  seldom  before  seen  in  a  single  campaign,  nor  was 
there  ever  heard  of  virtues  in  such  compactness  as  appears, 
according  to  friendly  representations,  to  exist  in  the 
corporeal  dimensions  of  each  separate  man  who  is  men- 
tioned for  a  public  office. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

ADTAKCE,  YE  FORTUKES  OF  STOKLEY. 

McManesisin  has  been  quiet  and  non-committal;  a 
silent  observer  of  Reform  doings;  a  close  student  of 
political  complications,  following  its  art  with  diligence, 
yet  visibly  disturbed  by  unfavorable  circumstances,  not 
the  least  of  which  is  Councilmanic  investigation  of  the 
Gas  Trust,  ,vhich  is  giving  the  newspapers  a  great  deal 
of  unpleasant  matter  to  spread  before  the  people  at  a 
most  inappropriate  time,  being  so  near  the  February 
elections.  The  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  too,  seems 
to  be  disagreeably  active  and  confident,  and,  worse  than 
all,  invariably  disposed  to  keep  its  eyes  on  this  investi- 
gation, as  if  desirious  of  informing  itself  upon  the  subject 
of  Gas  Trust  business  methods  as  a  branch  o:  learning 
that  may  be  useful  in  its  new  sphere  of  action. 

Meantime  on  the  20th  of  December,  in  the  Rooms  of 
the  Board  of  Trade,  the  Committee  again  assembles  on 
business  of  unusual  importance.  On  this  day  the 
Executive  Committee  will  report  to  the  General  Com- 
mittee a  Constitution  and  Declaration  of  Principles  and 
there  is  going  to  be,  if  rumors  are  to  be  credited,  other 
business  under  the  qualifying  term  of  "  new  "  which  may 
be  of  some  interest  to  an  observant  public.  If  untrace- 
able and  numerous  reports  are  to  be  given  one  atom  of 
credence  there  would  seem  to  be  a  danger  threatening  the 
Committee  on  the  threshold  of  its  career  more  grave  and 
serious  than  at  first  appears;  danger  of  a  disagreement 
and  a-  break  on  the  subject  of  bland  and  politic  Mayor 
Stokley;  there  being  a  growing  impression  that  the 
(107) 


108  THE  FALL   OP  BOSRTSM. 

Committee  has  in  its  membership  a  majority  favorable 
to  the  Mayor,  which  majority  will  not  permit  their 
favorite  to  be  cast  aside  no  matter  what  his  association 
with  McManesism  or  Bossism  may  have  been  or  now  is. 
Suffice  it  that  the  Mayor  has  of  late  been  talking  a  great 
deal  about  Reform,  and  has  been  complimenting,  in  no 
measured  terms,  the  members  of  the  Reform  Committee. 
The  Committee  on  Ward  Organization  with  its  herculean 
task'of  organizing  in  wards  and  divisions  miscellaneous 
humanity  into  compact  Reform  Phalanxes,  which  shall 
stand  up  against  fraud  and  intimidation,  and  police  per- 
secution on  election  day,  and  see  that  justice  obtains  at 
the  polls,  has  the  first  report  to  make  at  the  meeting  of 
the  General  Committee;  it  has  added  some  additional 
names*  of  citizens  to  its  list,  and  reports  progress.  The 
Executive  Committee,  whose  report  has  been  anxiously 
awaited,    submits,     through     Secretary     Williams,    the 

Declaration  of  Principles,  and  ! what  in  brief  phrase 

is  this!  "  the  names  of  suitable  persons  to  nominate  for 
City  offices!"  Who  expected  this,  and  what  is  the  sub- 
stance of  those  two  resolutions  which  go  up  to  Chairman 
Garrett's  desk,  there  to  be  read  by  the  Secretary  in  tones 
which  cause  each  member  present  to  bend  forward  his 
head  and  strain  his  ear  in  order  that  not  one  word  may 
escape  ?  "  Resolved,  that  John  Hunter,  by  his  dignified, 
independent  and  honorable  course  as  a  member  of 
Councils  from  the  Twenty-fourth  Ward,  and  as  Chairman 
of  the  Finance  Committee,  has  secured  our  confidence  and 

*The  additional  members  of  the  Committee  on  Ward  Organization  as 
reported  at  this  meeting  of  the  General  Committee  were  as  follows: 
Jacob  Grim,  Samuel  T.  Child,  Eli  Hartley,  James  A.  Main,  Thomas  V. 
Williams,  James  Hambleton,  Wm.  Dunlap.  Lewis  Taws,  Wm.  Harkness, 
Aquilla  Nebaker. 


THE  FALL  OP  BOSSISM.  109 

esteem,  and  that  believing  him  eminently  fitted  in  every 
respect  to  discharge  the  duties  of  Receiver  of  Taxes,  we 
hereby  recommend  him  to  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred 
for  nomination  to  that  office." 

No  sooner  does  the  Secretary's  voice  cease  than  en- 
thusiastic applause  breaks  forth  from  every  member 
present,  and  several  minutes  elapse  before  Chairman 
Garrett's  voice  can  be  heard  directing  the  Secretary  to 
read  the  other  resolution.  Another  Councilman  to  play 
a  part  in  this  impromptu  drama  I  "  Resolved,  that  in 
view  of  his  long  services  in  the  interest  of  Municipal 
Reform  the  Executive  Committee  desires  to  express  its 
utmost  confidence  in  the  integrity  and  ability  of  Joseph 
L.  Caven,  and  do  recommend  him  to  the  Committee  of 
One  Hundred,  for  their  nomination  to  the  position  of 
City  Solicitor." 

Again  does  the  storm  of  applause  burst  forth  and  for 
a  time  the  enthusiasm  of  the  assemblage  runs  wild. 
When  it  recovers  sufficiently  to  warrant  a  continuation 
of  business,  it  speedily  is  brought  to  its  soberest  senses  by 
grave  things.  Mr.  Drexel,  Treasurer  of  the  Committee, 
renowned  banker  and  man  of  influence  in  financial 
circles  and  of  repute  world-wide,  offers  this  resolution,  the 
brevity  of  which  is  in  no  wise  indicative  of  its  magni- 
tude and  important  consequences :  "  Resolved,  that 
William  S.  Stokley  be  recommended  as  the  candidate  of 
the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  for  Mayor." 

Unerring  test  I  Grave  business  men,  accustomed  to 
systematic  application  to  things,  to  cool  blood  and  firm 
heads,  forget  themselves  in  this  exciting  moment.  Im- 
pulsive Rudolph  Blankenburg  is  not  there,  a  member  of 
this  Reform  body,  to  give  countenance  to  Mayor  Stokley 


110  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

ia  any  way.  Too  often  has  he  suffered  and  seen  others 
suffer  from  police  interference  at  the  polls,  to  permit  him 
to  sit  for  a  moment  silent  now,  when  this  unexpected 
move  of  the  Mayor's  friends  in  the  Committee  threatens 
to  see  consummated  the  very  thing  he  j  oined  the  Committee 
to  help  prevent. 

Mr.  Blankenburg  immediately  offers  a  substitute  to  Mr. 
Drexel's  resolution ;  moves  that  the  name  of  Mr.  Edward 
T.  Steel,  President  of  the  Board  of  Public  Education, 
be  substituted  for  the  name  of  Mr.  Stokley.  Alas  for 
unaccountable  complications !  William  Arrott,  from 
President  Caven's  ward — the  Fifteenth — arises,  and  reads 
a  letter*  from  Mr.  Steel,  anticipating  Mr.  Blankenburg's 
action,  and  declining,  in  positive  terms,  the  nomination. 

Mr,  Blankenburg's  ringing  voice  is  now  heard  pro- 
testing against  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Stokley.  The 
Committee  of  One  Hundred  has  been  organized  in  the 
interest  of  Keform.  Shall  they,  at  the  very  threshold  of 
their  movement,  give  themselves  over  to  the  enemy, — 
that  enemy  whose  intolerable  acts  have  provoked  the 
Committee  into  existence  ?  What  will  be  the  thought 
of  the  people,  upon  whose  support  they  rely  for  success, 
if  they  thus  throw  away  their  principles,  and  act  from 
motives,  inspired  not  by  a  design  to  advance  public 
interests,  but  by  feelings  of  personal  obligation,  and 
considerations  based  upon  selfishness.  What  is  Mayor 
Stokley's  past  record?  Who  have  been,  and  are  still, 
his  associates  and  counsellors?  Have  not  James 
McManes  and  his  entire  political  household  of  unsavory 
Gas  Trust  memory  been  the  Mayor's  supporters,  and  will  it 

*See  appendix. 


THE   FALL    OF    BOSSISJI.  Ill 

not  be  a  complete  surrender  to  them  for  the  Committee 
to  make  this  nomination  ? 

The  meeting  now  was  in  an  uproar.  Chairman  Gar- 
rett beckoning  Citizen  James  A.  "Wright  to  the  Chair, 
took  the  floor,  holding  in  his  hand  certain  correspondence* 
which  had  passed  between  Mayor  Stokley  and  himself. 
The  announcement  that  he  would  read  it  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  meeting,  brought  immediate  silence  and 
acquiesence.  The  correspondence,  summed  up  in  brief, 
defined  Mayor  Stokley's  position  and  embodied  pledges 
from  him  to  support  certain  Eeform  measures  advocated 
by  the  Committee, 

Mr.  Blaukenburg's  motion  to  substitute  the  name  of 
Mr.  Steel  was  still  unacted  upon  ;  and  sagacious  Francis 
B.  Eeeves  now  took  it  up  and  moved,  as  an  amendment, 
hat  "  candidates  nominated  by  the  Committee  be  required 
to  endorse  in  writing  the  platformf  adopted  this  day  by 
the  Committee,  and  that  they  report  the  same  in  writing 
to  the  Committee." 

*See  appendix. 

tThe  Declaration  of  Principles  as  reported  by  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee and  adoiited  by  tbe*General  Committee  at  this  m^eeting  as  their 
platform,  was  as  follows : 

The  time  has  come  when  the  people  demand  a  thorough  reform  in  the 
methods  of  party  management  in  aiatters  of  municipal  government. 

Believing  in  the  principle  that  party  interests  must  be  subordinate  to 
those  of  the  whole  city,  we  demand  that  the  departments  shall  be 
restored  to  the  honest  administration  of  the  early  days  of  the  munici- 
pality, and  shall  no  longer  be  prostituted  to  the  service  and  enrichment 
of  a  few  men  who  arrogate  to  themselves  the  rights  and  powers  belonging 
to  the  public. 

The  government  of  the  city  In  all  its  departments  should  be  a  model  of 
efficiency  and  economy. 

Public  office  and  public  work  constitute  a  high  trust  to  be  administered 
with  fidelity  in  the  interest  of  the  whole  people. 


112  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

Wise  and  cool-headed  Mr.  Reeves !  No  act  has  yet 
been  done  in  this  Reform  body  half  so  important  as  this; 
no  measure  has  yet  been  offered  that  goes  half  so  deep 
nor  means  so  much,  as  does  this  amendment ;  and  so  time 
shall  prove.  Other  precautions  and  devices  about  the 
organization  may  yet  be  weak  ;  glaring  loopholes  there 
may  be,  which  even  now  the  enemy  may  have  its  eyes 
upon,  and  which  skill,  experience  and  cunning,  may 
easily  master,  and  with  inceudious  hands  plot  and  scheme 
to  destroy,  but  this  one  radical  safe-guard  will  save  all ; 
being  linked  with  still  another  safe-guard,* — formulated 

The  incumbents  of  olBce  should  be  at  the  very  least,  law-abiding  citi- 
zens, known  for  their  sobriety,  morality,  trustworthiness  and  general 
fitness.  Their  allegiance  should  be  to  the  people  and  not  to  their  party 
constituents.  There  should  be  the  smallest  possible  number  of  offices 
and  employees.  King  rule  and  Boss  rule  reverse  all  this.  Offices  and 
public  service  are  not  regarded  as  trusts,  but  as  vehicles  for  gathering 
fees  and  emoluments  and  as  aids  ic  securing  patronage,  the  direct  and 
inevitable  result  of  which  is  the  exaction  of  heavy  taxes  and  exorbitant 
fees  from  those  having  bushiess  with  the  public  offices.  The  more  money 
expended  the  greater  the  amount  of  patronage  and  dividends.  Instead 
of  economy  of  the  public  money  and  the  best  service  of  the  public  we 
have  a  profligate  waste  and  poor  service  of  all  degrees  down  to  no 
service  at  all. 

The  Committee  proposes  to  cooperate  with  the  people  in  enforcing  the 
right  remedies.  Of  these  there  are  two :  Good  men  who  will  administer 
the  offices  wholly  and  solely  in  the  public  interest,  and  legislative  meas- 
ures of  Reform. 

Such  rules  and  methods  as  are  usual  in  private  business  as  to  appoint- 
ments, hours  of  service  and  compensation  of  employees,  should  apply  in 
all  the  City  Departments.  All  official  appointments  and  removals 
should  be  based  on  the  needs  of  the  service  and  the  fitness  of  the  ap- 
pointee, uninfluenced  by  party  consideration  and  no  office  should  be 
conferred  as  a  reward  for  party  services. 

The  Mayoralty.— It  is  the  duty  of  the  Mayor  to  execute  the  laws  and 
to  insist  on  their  enforcement  by  his  subordinate  officers  to  the  full 
extent  of  his  power.  To  call  attention  to  every  abuse  with  a  view  to  its 
remedy  by  the  proper  authorities;  to  suggest  to  and  cooperate  with 
Councils  in  all  financial  and  other  measures  looking  to  the  welfare  of 
the  community ;  and  the  veto  power  vested  in  him  should  be  executed 
without  fear  or  favor. 
*See  footnote,  page  115. 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  113 

by  the  same  sagacious  Mr.  Reeves, — whose  potency  in 
withstanding  the  most  desperate  machinations  of 
McManesism  shall  yet  be  demonstrated. 

Citizen  Reeves'  amendment  being  stated  by  the  Chair, 
is  put  and  carried.  The  substitute  by  Mr.  Blankenburg, 
however,  is  lost,  and  thus  the  amendment  is  also  defeated. 
Mr.  Reeves  does  not  despair  but  offers  the  amendment 
again  as  an  amendment  to  Mr.  Drexel's  resolution,  which 
that  gentleman  accepts.  The  amendment  is  adopted  and 
Mr.  Drexel's  resolution,  declaring  Mayor  Stokley  the 
nominee  of  the  Committee  for  the  Mayoralty  also 
passes. 

He  should  appoint  and  maintain  a  police  force  above  the  influence  of 
party  politics,  and  continue  men  in  office  during  good  behavior;  he 
should  forbid  them  to  take  part  in  politics,  except  to  exercise  their  righJ 
to  vote.  They  should  not  be  assessed  for  political  purposes  nor  hold  anj- 
political  ofQce  while  on  the  police  force. 

Receivership  of  Taxe*.— Offices  of  enormous  emolument  have  been 
created  for  the  express  purpose  of  rewarding  successful  party  leaders. 
This  great  abuse  demands  prompt  remedy  by  legislation.  Inasmuch  as 
the  existing  laws  relating  to  the  collection  of  Delinquent  Taxes  are  so 
framed  as  to  give  to  one  official  an  almost  princely  income,  we  demand 
such  a  change  in  the  law  as  shall  reduce  this  to  reasonable  compensation 
without  impairing  the  collection  of  taxes.  We  also  demand  the  repeal  of 
the  Infamous  Recorder's  bill,  by  which  a  supernumerary  office  has  been 
made  to  Involve  an  enormous  cost  to  the  community. 

City  Solicitorship.— The  City  Solicitor,  the  legal  defender  and  advisor 
of  the  cit}',  should  not  only  discharge  the  formal  duties  of  his  office  but 
be  zealous  and  vigilant  in  his  efforts  to  protect  the  treasury  from  the 
unscrupulous  raids  of  contractors  or  jobbers;  and  the  fees  and  penalties 
collected  in  this  and  in  other  offices  and  departments  of  the  city  should 
be  paid  into  the  City  Treasury. 

District  Attorney.— It  is  the  duty  of  the  District  Attorney  to  prosecute 
as  speedily  as  possible,  without  fear,  favor  or  partiality,  every  case  of 
infraction  of  law  brought  to  his  knowledge  and  to  correct  the  many 
abuses  which  have  crept  into  the  administration  of  this  office. 

City  Councils.— IS o  man  should  be  elected  to  Councils  who  makes  party 
caucus  paramount  to  his  oath  of  office ;  nor  who  favors  the  office-holder 
at  the  expense  of  the  taxpayer;  nor  anyone  holding  an  official  position 
in  any  department  of  the  city  government  nor  any  employee  thereof. 


114  THE  FALL  OP  BOSSISM. 

The  resolution  passes,  but  not  without  a  storm.  Fifty- 
two  members  have  voted  in  favor  of  it,  and  thirty  have 
voted  against  it.  There  are  forty  members  absent,  and 
the  opponents  of  Mayor  Stokley  raise  the  point  that  a 
majority  of  the  total  membership  of  the  Committee  not 
having  voted  in  favor  of  his  nomination  the  resolution 
of  Citizen  Drexel  should  be  decided  as  lost.  The 
Chairman,  however,  rules  against  them. 

Another  scene  follows.  No  sooner  is  the  resolution 
adopted  and  the  nomination  of  Mayor  Stokley  a  fact, 
than  radical  Mr.  Blaukenburg  arises,  and  his  ringing 

Those  elected  to  Councils  should  be  men  who  have  an  intelligent  com- 
prehension of  their  duties  and  who  are  of  such  independence  of  char- 
acter as  will  lead  them  to  vote  as  their  conscience  dictates. 

Higlnvays,  Water  and  6as.—\NQ  demand  well-paved  and  clean  streets, 
an  abundant  supply  of  pure  water  and  gas,  and  we  believe  that  these  can 
be  secured  at  a  much  smaller  outlay  than  Ihe  amounts  usually  expended 
on  these  Departments. 

Vagrants  and  Paupers.— We  demand  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  for 
the  suppression  of  vagrancy,  and  favor  the  employment  of  able-bodied 
paupers  now  supported  in  idleness  at  the  expense  of  taxpayers. 

Public  (Sc/ioois.— Believing  the  education  of  our  children  has  suffered 
from  the  political  manipulation  of  our  public  schools,  we  demand  that 
they  shall  be  managed  without  party  influence;  that  only  competent 
and  intelligent  men  be  elected  as  School  Directors  and  that  their  ap- 
pointment of  teachers  shall  be  made  solely  on  the  ground  of  merit. 

jPinis.— While  we  are  Republicans  and  are  seeking  to  reform  the  man- 
agement of  tne  Republican  party,  our  efforts  are  primarily  on  behalf  of 
the  whole  people,  and  we  ask  the  cooperation  of  our  fellow-citizens  in 
the  belief  that  these  principles  are  indispensable  to  good  municipal 
government,  and  that  no  man  who  cannot  heartily  adopt  and  support 
them  is  worthy  of  our  suffrages. 

The  objects  which  brought  the  Committee  into  existence  were  thus 
declared  : 

First.— To  maintain  the  purity  of  the  ballot. 

Second.— To  secure  the  nomination  and  election  of  a  better  class  of 
candidates  for  office. 

Thikd.— To  prosecute  and  bring  to  punishment  those  who  have  been 
guilty  of  election  frauds,  mal-administration  of  office  or  mis-appropriar 
tion  of  public  funds. 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  115 

voice  is  heard  throughout  the  Chamber:  "  I  joined  this 
Committee,"  declares  Mr.  Blankenburg,  "  believing  it  to 
be  a  body  organized  to  secure  certain  Keforms  in  the 
City  government.  Being  now  convinced  that  the  pur- 
pose for  which  the  Committee  was  formed  is  at  an  end  I 
herewith  tender  my  resignation." 

Friends  of  Mr.  Stokley  move  the  resignation  be  accepted 
and  there  is  a  response  in  the  affimative.  Little  matter 
whether  it  be  accepted  or  not,  so  far  as  the  indignant  Mr. 
Blankenburg  is  concerned,  for  already  he  has  seized  his 
hat  and  disappeared  through  the  doorway.  A  solemn  and 
somewhat  embarrassing  silence  falls  upon  the  Committee 
for  several  minutes  thereafter.  The  members  are  all 
apparently  thinking  deeply ;  yet  if  any  one  were  to  ask 
them  what  was  in  their  thoughts  they  would  very 
likely  evade  the  question. 

Fourth.— To  prevent  objectionable  legislation  and  aid  in  procuring 
such  as  the  public  welfare  demands. 

Fifth.— To  advocate  and  promote  a  public  service  based  upon  char- 
acter and  capability  only. 

tSome  time  after  the  occurence  of  the  incident  involving  the  attack  at 
the  Fifth  Ward  polling  place  during  the  Spring  election  of  1880,  of  several 
policemen  upon  old  William  Conway,  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
Common  Council,  and  the  refusal  of  Mayor  Stokley  to  rebuke  the  out- 
rage on  the  part  of  his  subordinates,  Mr.  Conway  incidentally  related 
the  facts  of  the  case  to  Mr.  Reeves.  Afterward,  when  the  latter,  who 
was  much  impressed  by  the  story,  joined  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred  one  of  his  first  acts  was  to  have  inserted  in  the  Decla- 
ration of  Principles  a  clause,  declaring,  as  the  sense  of  the  Com- 
mittee, against  the  Interference  of  the  police  at  the  polls,  and  specifying, 
as  one  of  the  first  duties  of  the  Mayor,  the  maintainance  of  a  non-parti- 
san police  force.  Still  later,  in  a  meeting  of  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred,  Mr.  Keeves  added  the  finishing  touch  to  this  important  plank 
in  the  Reform  platform  by  presenting  a  resolution  which  passed  by 
unanimous  vote,  requiring  all  candidates  for  ofHce.  before  receiving  the 
Committee's  support,  to  sign  the  Declaration  of  Principles, 


CHAPTER  XTII. 

COMPLICATIONS  ! 

How  this  effort  of  Republican  citizens  to  cure  the 
public  service  of  its  various  ills  by  administering  strictly 
Republican  remedies  will  succeed  we  shall  presently  see. 
How  their  nomination  of  Mr.  Stokley  pleases  the  dis- 
interested masses  upon  whom  the  success  of  their  Reform 
work  depends,  is  not  long  a  mystery.  Citizens'  and  Tax- 
payers' Associations  meet,  not  for  unalloyed  rejoicing ; 
Independent  citizens  meet,  not  for  speeches  of  unqualified 
congratulation.  The  nomination  of  Caven  and  Hunter  is 
well ;  for  therein  do  all  men,  not  excepting  Democrats, 
recognize  a  tribute  to  merit  and  principle.  But  what 
shall  be  said  of  the  selection  of  Mayor  Stokley,  whose 
own  party,  even  outside  those  who  profess  Reform,  is 
divided  on  the  question  of  fitness  of  the  candidate,  the 
more  independent  party  members  recognizing  the  wisdom 
of  choosing  for  Mayor  one  who  shall  have  less  to  do  in 
the  way  of  utilizing  for  partisan  objects  the  public  police 
force,  and  who  shall  likewise  respect  individual  rights 
enough  not  to  compel  the  members  of  such  public  police 
force  to  pay  heavy  tribute  out  of  hard-earned  salaries  to 
enable  gentlemen,  of  easy  virtue  and  questionable  ability, 
to  purchase  their  way  into  office  and  perpetuate  the 
insolent  reign  of  political  Bossism  and  its  freebooting 
propensities ;  in  view  of  which  facts,  such  independent 
party  members  are  urging  the  nomination,  by  their  own 
party  Convention,  when  held,  of  Mr.  Keim. 

Meantime,  to  the  ears  of  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred,  come  the  evidences  of  dissatisfaction.  Quali- 
(116) 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  117 

fied  resolutions  of  indorsement  by  Citizens'  and  Tax- 
payers' Associations  are  doubtful  encouragement  for  tliose 
who  expected  fur  tlieir  candidate  unqualified  support. 
Yet  remembering  the  fact  that  even  a  majority  of  their 
own  Association  have  not  sanctioned  this  nomi- 
nation, can  the  people  be  blamed  for  according  the  result 
rather  a  cold  welcome  ?  And  still  further,  when  energetic 
and  radical  Rudolph  Blankenburg  has  shown  his  disap- 
probation by  resigning  his  membership,  can  anything  be 
more  natural  than  the  fact  that  others,  equally  independent 
but  under  less  obligation  to  abide  by  Committee  results, 
should  show  disapprobation  too  ? 

Discord  rages  now  generally,  and  Bossism,  well-pleased 
over  the  new  diversion,  experiences  a  temporary  relief 
from  the  popular  tongue,  which  finds  material  for  em- 
ployment in  this  much-talked-of  Reform  organization 
which  by  its  latest  act  seems,  despite  preconceived  ideas 
on  the  subject,  to  be  not  such  a  desperate  enemy  of  the 
political  autocrats  as  has  been  represented.  Strange  is 
it,  too,  to  see  the  attitude  hereupon  of  Colonel  McClure* 

*Colonel  HcClure's  magnanimity,  which  enabled  him  to  take  an  en- 
tirely disinterested  view  of  the  case  of  one  who  had  been  (through 
notoriously  questionable  means  as  the  candidate  of  Bossism)  not  only 
his  successful  political  rival  but  a  bitter  partisan  enemy  for  some  length  of 
time  after  his  election,  was  conspicuously  illustrated  at  this  time.  At  the 
head  of  a  great  j(jurnal  which  wielded  a  powerful  influence  over  the 
minds  of  the  people,  it  would  have  been  comparatively  easy  for  him, 
had  he  been  disposed  to  remember  personal  wrongs,  to  have  prevented 
the  nomination  by  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  of  Mayor  Stokley  for 
a  new  term.  Nevertheless  the  Mayor  had  latterly  shown  what  was 
believed  to  be  genuine  evidence  of  a  disposition  to  part  company  with 
McManesism,  to  absolve  himself  from  all  obligation  to  support  anj' 
longer  the  practices  of  his  unscrupulous  political  associates  and  to  give 
his  aid  to  the  efforts  of  those  citizens  who  were  laboring  to  purify  the 
city  government.     Colonel  McClure  welcomed  the  Mayor's  apparent 


118  THK   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

who,  least  of  all,  would  have  been  expected  to  advocate 
the  re-election  of  Mayor  Stokley.  Yet,  considering  the 
fact  that  the  Colonel's  motives  are  never  left  long  a 
subject  of  doubt  or  of  mystery,  it  may  happen  that  the 
public,  in  due  time,  shall  be  enlightened,  and  much  that 
now  seems  dark  and  inexplicable  shall  be  made  clear. 
In  the  meanwhile  there  is  swift,  rapid  motion  among 
political  men  of  various  pretensions,  the  choice  of  Mayor 
Stokley  by  the  Reform  Committee  being  accepted  by  his 
opponents  as    a    conclusive  thing;  which   removes  an 

cJiange  of  heart  with  unfeigned  delight  and  gave  him  earnest  assurance 
not  only  of  his  good-will,  but  of  his  journalistic  support,  in  his  canvass  for 
re-election,  provided  he  adhered  to  his  then  expressed  determination  to 
forsake  his  past  ways.  He  advised  him  to  boldly  place  himself  on  record 
before  the  people  in  his  new  character,  and  to  make  his  contest  upon  the 
rapidly  growing  Reform  issues.  The  blandishments  of  the  politicians  he 
was  especially  cautioned  to  disregard,  and  no  argument  was  left  unused 
in  the  friendly  effort  to  strengthen  him  in  his  new  position.  That  he 
would  be  called  upon  by  the  One  Hundred  to  give  some  unequivocal 
pledge  of  loyalty  to  Reform  principles,  Colonel  McClure  did  not  deem  it 
unlikely,  and  Mayor  Stokley  was  thus,  Ln  advance,  made  fully  aware  of 
the  requirements  he  would  be  expected  to  meet  in  order  to  gain  the 
Committees'  support.  The  following  analysis  of  the  Mayor's  position, 
written  by  Colonel  McClure,  and  published  editorially  in  The  Times  of 
the  13th  of  January,  1881,  has  a  direct  bearing  upon  this  particular 
subject: 

"  The  strength  of  Mayor  Stokley,  as  a  candidate,  will  depend  greatly 
upon  his  expected  letter  or  acceptance  to  the  Business  Men's  Committee. 
His  letter  addressed  to  that  organization,  before  it  made  choice  of  a 
Mayoralty  candidate  displayed  a  healthy  tone,  and  his  formal  acceptance 
of  the  platform  laid  down  by  the  Committee  will  place  him  in  an  un- 
equivocal position  with  regard  to  the  issues  which  are  likely  to  control 
the  nmnicipal  contest. 

"  The  men  who  h.ivestartedoutin  the  work  of  municipal  Reform  are  in 
positive  earnest,  and  they  will  take  no  steps  backward  to  hinder  or  pro- 
mote any  candidate.  Fri-ely  as  the  Business  Men's  Committee  is  criti- 
cised by  machine  politicians  and  organs,  it  represents  the  overwhelming 
sentiment  of  the  taxpaj'ers  of  Philadelphia  on  municipal  issues;  and 
its  members,  although  not  experts  in  running  primaries  or  in  stufling 
ballot  boxes,  mean  that  honest  elections  shall  elect  honest  candidates  in 
F'-bruary. 

"  Mayor  Stokley  has  only  to  plant  himself  squarely  on  the  platform  of 
resolute  Republican  Reform  within  the  party,  lo  make  him  an  invincible 
candidate,  while  equivocation  would  only  crush  him  between  the  upper 
and  the  uether  mill-sloues  of  the  Machine  and  Kelorm.," 


THE  PALL  OF  BOSSISM.  119 

element  of  uncertainty  from  the  prospect,  and  causes 
them  to  breathe  freer,  not  from  satisfaction  that  the  act 
has  been  done  but  from  relief  that  a  cause  of  suspense 
has  been  eliminated,  and  that  a  certain  detiniteness  now 
exists  as  to  what  must  be  done  and  how  it  must  be  done, 
to  advance  their  several  interests,  and  to  enable  them  to 
take  steps  to  effectually  oppose  the  enemy.  In  the  demon- 
stration against  Mayor  Stokley  the  dissatisfied  of  his  own 
party  seem  to  be  coming  nearer  together  and  to  be  showing 
a  disposition  to  abandon  trivial  side  issues  which  have 
kept  them  apart  as  jarring  factions,  and  to  combine 
upon  this  one  great  issue;  and  to  even  form  a  coalition 
with  disaffected  Eeformers  and  liberal  Democrats,  if 
need  be,  in  the  endeavor  to  build  up  an  all-powerful 
opposition.  The  one  person  who  appears  most  likely 
to  profit  by  this  state  of  things  is  Mr.  Keim.  Upon 
him  the  support  of  all  those  regular  Eepublicans — whose 
only  cause  of  disagreement  with  the  main  body  of  the 
party,  U  the  apparent  disposition  of  the  latter  to  re-nom- 
inate Mayor  Stokley — is  centred.  These  dissatisfied  mem- 
bers, while  radically  different  in  the  motives  which 
govern  their  actions,  from  such  dissenting  Reformers  as 
Kudolph  Blankenburg,  nevertheless  bid  fair  to  do  for- 
midable work  for  the  cause  of  Reform  albeit,  involuntary 
work.  Forced  into  open  warfare  against  Bossism  by 
circumstances  rather  than  by  inclination,  they  are  not 
lacking  in  the  political  experience  or  in  the  political 
shrewdness  which  distinguish  their  former  political  as- 
sociates ;  and  they  skillfully  attract  to  their  support  such 
fragments  of  Greenbackers  and  Prohibitionists  and  other 
political  families  as  may  be  at  this  time  standing  aloof 
from  the  two  regular  parties,  with  no  fixed  purpose  in 
5 


120  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

view,  but  with  a  disposition  to  do  something  for  fear  of 
spoiling  from  inactivity. 

Thus  faction  after  faction  is  absorbed ;  Greenbacker 
assimilating  Prohibitionist  and  Prohibitionist  assimi- 
lating recent  skillful  limbs  and  joints  of  Bossism  and 
McManesism,  and  all  together  assimilating  stray  Demo- 
crats and  Reformers,  and  a  certain  dissatisfied  set  of  the 
colored  man's  race ;  for  these  shrewd  graduates  of  the 
house  of  Bossism,  who  from  motives  of  revenge,  or  for 
other  reasons,  have  turned  their  backs  on  their  preceptors 
and  are  now  so  vigorously  pushing  forward  Mr.  Keim, 
know  a  few  cunning  things  about  spreading  disaffection 
among  others ;  and  have  begun  with  the  colored  brother, 
probably  reasoning  that  he  is  the  most  susceptible  and 
will  yield  greater  and  more  speedy  results  with  less 
expenditure  of  labor,  than  any  other  class  or  race.  Ac- 
cordingly the  colored  man  is  found  of  nights  trudging 
the  streets  at  indefinite  hours,  in  wet  weather  and  in  dry, 
under  the  blaze  of  smoking  torch-light,  bearing  over- 
head, with  muslin  background  and  lamp-black  inscription, 
eloquent  sentiments  complimentary  of  Candidate  Keim, 
and  sarcastic  as  to  Candidate  Stokley  ;  and  also  shouting 
himself  into  asthmatic  hoarseness  in  enthusiastic  repeti- 
tion of  the  name  of  Keim,  which  is  uttered  with  a  short, 
jerky  ejaculation;  and  with  an  expenditure  of  breath  and 
a  display  of  frantic  jubilation  which  testify  powerfully 
to  his  superiority  ai  an  instrument  of  noisy  demon- 
stration. 

While  the  absorbing  powers  of  the  Keim  men  have  the 
eflFect  of  simplifying  things  somewhat,— jumbling  to- 
gether various  factions  and  rendering  them  homogeneous 
— there  are  complications  still  which  leave  the  outcome 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  121 

uncertann.  Eudolpli  Blankenburg  and  his  Reform  fol- 
lowers stand  upon  radical  grouud  and  formulate  their 
plans  in  their  own  way,  amid  frequent  sounding  of  the 
watchword  of  their  cause  "no  tampering  with  principle." 
Unite  with  the  Keim  forces  under  any  circumstances 
they  will  not ;  re-unite  with  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred  under  the  present  condition  of  things  they 
cannot.  The  only  alternative  left  them  is  to  hold  their 
ground,  organize  and  work  in  their  own  way  for  the 
objects  which  are  clear  in  their  minds.  And  Mr.  Blank- 
enburg does  work ;  he  begins  to  organize  a  new  Business 
Men's  Committee  and  keeps  his  eyes  on  Edward  T.  Steel, 
esteemed  President  of  the  Board  of  Education,  who,  in 
spite  of  his  letter  of  declination  to  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred,  is,  in  Mr.  Blankenburg's  mind,  the  proper  man 
for  the  people  to  have  for  Mayor.  Moreover,  there  is  a 
possibility,  to  Citizen  Blankenburg's  thinking,  of  securing, 
"with  a  candidate  as  free  from  i)artisanship  and  as  widely 
known  and  esteemed  as  Mr.  Steel,  the  support  of  the 
better  element  of  the  Democrats  who  will  certainly  not 
support  Mayor  Stokley  and  this  prospect  gives  him 
occasion  for  encouragement  and  hope,  and  causes  him 
with  characteristic  energy  to  busy  himself  in  the  work  of 
recruiting  members  for  the  new  organization  in  which 
effort  he  makes  rapid  headway. 

The  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  observant  of  the 
things  going  on  all  about  it,  has  kept  its  counsel  with 
commendable  success.  That  it  is  scarcely  satisfied  with  its 
Mayoralty  candidate  slight  indications  nevertheless  now 
and  then  appear.  Better  would  it  have  been,  many 
members  reason,  had  they  taken  more  time  and  consulted 
the  wishes  of  the  people  of  the  wards   and  precincts 


122  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

through  their  Ward  Organization  Committee,  as  Dunbar 
Lockwood'd  resolution,  presented  in  meeting  some  days 
ago,  contemplated.  Yet  the  thing  has  been  done  and  not 
much  appears  to  be  gained  by  indulging  in  regrets. 
Wiser  will  it  be  to  make  the  best  out  of  their  position 
and  to  accept  the  Mayor's  pledges — provided  he  does  not 
forget  to  make  them — to  refrain  from  assessing  his  police 
for  election  "  expenses,"  and  to  refrain  from  commanding 
his  police  to  take  part  in  elections  further  than  to  pre- 
serve the  public  peace.  Such  requirements  as  these  are 
the  substance  of  those  planks  which  far-sighted  Mr. 
EpCeves  had  inserted  in  the  Declaration  of  Principles  and 
upon  them  will  the  sincerity  of  Mr.  Stokley's  profession 
be  tested  when  the  request  to  sign  that  Declaration  is 
presented  to  him, — a  sober  necessary  thing  which  cannot ' 
be  evaded. 

Uncertain,  inexperienced  Committee  I  Tossed  by 
doubt,  and  hedged  in  all  round  by  hostile  forces,  what 
remains  for  it  but  to  do  things  in  a  straight-forward, 
business-like  way,  in  following  out  which  policy 
it  is  "at  home"  and  at  least  may  derive  the  satis- 
faction of  exercising  itself  by  not  unfamiliar  em- 
ployment. In  pursuance  of  which  policy  the  Committee 
meets  again  on  the  31st  day  of  December — eleven  days 
after  the  meeting  at  which  it  nominated  its  candidates — 
and  appoints  a  Committee  to  notify  such  candidates  of 
its  action ;  the  Committee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Little, 
Wright,  Field,  Williams  and  Chairman  Garrett.  This 
being  the  only  business  before  the  Committee,  it  adjourns, 
to  come  together  again  at  the  call  of  the  Chair. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

"primaries"  and  "conventions." 

Mayor  Stokley,  writing  to  Chairman  Garrett,  on  tlie 
20tb.  of  December,  a  hasty  reply  to  certain  questions 
addressed  to  him  by  the  latter  in  a  communication  of  the 
same  date — both  having  been  sent  and  received  before 
the  hour  of  the  opening,  on  that  day,  of  the  Keform 
Committee's  meeting,  at  which  the  Mayor  was  formally 
nominated  for  re-election — took  occasion  to  say :  "  I 
always  have  been  opposed  to  policemen  holding  any 
other  office  and  shall  do  whatever  is  within  my  authority 
to  limit  their  participation  in  political  matters  to  the 
exercise  of  their  rights  as  citizens." 

Three  weeks  have  passed  since  these  words  were 
written  and  the  evening  has  now  arrived  on  which  the 
Republicans  will  hold  their  primary  election  to  choose 
delegates  to  attend  their  several  nominating  conventions 
which  have  been  called  to  meet  two  days  later  to  nomi- 
nate respectively  a  candidate  for  Mayor,  for  Receiver  of 
Taxes  and  for  City  Solicitor.  Upon  the  personnel  of 
such  delegates  much  depends ;  in  theory  they  are  sup- 
posed to  truly  represent  the  wishes  of  the  majority  of 
the  members  of  the  party  and  to  execute  in  their  choice 
of  candidates  for  public  office,  the  public  will.  In 
practice  how  vastly  different  I  Through  long  usage  the 
methods  of  the  party  dictators  in  the  manipulation  of 
votes  have  changed  the  primary  elections  from  their 
original  significance  of  a  beneficent  means  of  giving 
effect  to  the  popular  will  in  the  selection  of  candidates, 
to  an  absolute  farce,  in  which  even  the  pretence  of  their 
(123) 


124  THE   FALl,   OF    BOSSISM. 

being  anything  else  than  a  mock  observance  of  a  former 
custom  scarcely  exists.  To  the  conventions,  without 
exception  heretofore,  there  have  gone  as  delegates  the 
friends,  dependents  and  beneficiaries  of  the  clique  of 
office-holders,  invariably  led  and  directed  by  the  office- 
holders themselves,  who,  by  pre-arranged  agreement, 
have  always  managed  to  have  themselves  distributed  as 
delegates  among  the  most  importantof  these  assemblages 
where  there  is  most  need  of  their  peculiar  services. 
Their  complete  control  of  the  primaries  insured  them  a 
similar  control  of  the  Conventions,  and  if  the  primaries 
were  simply  a  mockery  of  the  expression  of  popular 
wishes,  the  Conventions  were  of  a  like  character. 
The  nominations  there  made  were  nothing  more  thaa  an 
ostentatious  public  performance  of  acts  already  secretly 
consummated,  the  assurance  of  the  public  programme 
being  carried  out  as  arranged,  being  guaranteed  by  the 
fact  of  the  actors  being  for  the  most  part  the  employees 
of  Public  Departments  whose  tenure  of  remunerative 
service  depended  upon  their  proficiency  in  executing  the 
bidding  of  their  political  masters.  From  the  Gas 
Department,  the  Water  Department,  the  Highway  De- 
partment, the  Department  of  the  Commissioners  of 
Public  Buildings  and  of  the  County  Commissioners,  the 
delegates  were  chiefly  recruited  ;  with  a  liberal  supply 
of  public  contractors,  and  respectable  expectants,  in 
addition. 

The  participation  of  the  police  in  the  primary  elections 
had  been  a  subject  as  fruitful  of  complaint  as  had  been 
their  part  in  the  regular  elections.  Not  as  citizens  did 
they  appear  at  the  polling  places  but  as  violent  partisans 
of   the  party  of   their  superior,   clothed   with    official 


THE  FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  125 

authority  which  cdvered  the  acts  of  repeaters  and  ballot- 
box  stuflfers  and  sternly  silenced  the  tongue  which  would 
protest  against  such  outrages.  From  the  Mayor's  written 
promise  to  the  Reform  Committee,  not  to  speak  of  his 
many  verbal  ones,  it  would  seem  there  was  now  some 
reason  for  the  people  to  expect  to  see  a  salutary  change. 
Vain  delusion  I  The  primaries  of  the  night  of  the  11th 
of  January,  1881,  brought  out,  like  rats  from  their  hiding 
places,  all  the  notorious  political  experts  and  ballot 
manipulators,  guided  by  the  same  hands  which  had  so 
often  drawn  them  on  in  their  nefarious  work.  Not  only 
were  the  police  as  active  as  ever  in  their  efforts  to  aid  and 
further  the  corrupt  methods  of  McManesism  by  which 
thousands  of  citizens  were  prevented  from  casting  their 
votes,  but  there  was  about  them  a  spirit  of  boldness  and 
audacity  which  seemed  to  denote  that  they  had  especial 
reason  to  feel  secure  for  their  part  in  this  wholesale 
trampling  upon  men's  rights. 

Explanations  from  Mayor  Stokley  would  now  seem  to  be 
clearly  in  order.  The  Mayor,  however,  appears  to  be  not 
in  the  mood  for  explanations ;  nor  for  anything  else  so 
far  as  Reformers  are  concerned,  having,  in  some  manner, 
gotten  out  of  humor  with  them.  The  Committee  of  One 
Hundred,  in  the  meantime,  have  been  waiting  for  an 
answer  to  their  letter  politely  notifying  him  of  his 
nomination.  Chairman  Garrett's  hand  penned  it, 
and  there  was  enclosed,  in  addition  to  the  letter,  the 
Committee's  Declaration  of  Principles,  which  Mr. 
Garrett — after  enjoying  the  pleasure  of  informing  the 
Mayor  of  their  having  made  choice  of  him  for 
another  term  in  his  present  high  office — delicately 
calls  his  attention  to,  observing  in  a  half  conciliatory  way, 


126  THE  FALL  OP  BOSSISM. 

as  if  aware  that  this  part  of  the  message  is  not  like]  j  to 
be  as  agreeable  as  the  first  part,  that  the  One  Hundred 
"have  adopted  a  Declaration  of  Principles  to  which 
they  think  every  honest  Reformer  can  subscribe  and 
they  ask  the  assent  of  the  several  nominees  to  this  as  the 
basis  of  action."  Then,  as  a  piece  of  diplomacy  calcu- 
lated to  restore  the  Mayor's  complacency — granting  it  to 
have  been  disturbed — Chairman  Garrett  closes  his  letter 
with  a  display  of  generous  confidence  upon  the  efiicacy 
of  reforming  the  party  within  the  lines:  "I  need 
scarcely  add  that  in  thus  recommending  you  to  the  suf- 
frages of  your  fellow-citizens  we  form  no  new  party  and 
leave  you  perfectly  free  to  accept  the  regular  nomination 
should  you  wish  it  to  be  conferred  upon  you." 

The  Committee's  anxiety  concerning  the  Mayor's 
answer,  therefore,  does  not  arise  so  much  from  the  con- 
templation of  violated  etiquette — though  it  would  perhaps 
be  better  for  their  cause  if  it  did — as  it  does  from  the 
strange  delay  on  the  Mayoi's  part  to  return  the  copy  of 
the  Declaration  of  Principles  with  his  sign  manual 
thereto  attached.  Weeks  have  passed  since  that  Decla- 
ration was  forwarded  to  him  and  the  voting  public  are 
eager  to  know  whether  he  will  accept,  over  his  own  signa- 
ture, the  Reform  Principles  or  not.  More  than  this,  the 
Reform  Committee's  work  in  wards  and  divisions  is 
awaiting  his  decision;  everything  tarries  for  his  answer. 
Reform  plans  are  at  a  stand-still.  The  One  Hundred  do 
not  meet  because  there  is  nothing  for  them  to  do  until 
the  Mayor  fulfills  his  part  of  the  Reform  compact.  True, 
Mr.  Caven's  reply  has  not  yet  been  received,  but  about 
his  position  on  the  Reform  question  there  exists  no  doubt, 
his  public  acts  in  Councils  being  for  the  Committee  a 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  127 

sufficient  guarantee.  Mr  Hunter,  meantime,  has  sent  his 
answer,*  an  answer  which  leaves  no  uncertainty  as  to  his 
attitude,  and  which  is  characterized  by  an  honest 
directness  of  speech  that  spreads  enthusiasm  through  the 
ranks  of  the  Eeformers.  "It  must  be  distinctly  under* 
stood,''  he  writes  in  closing,  "that  if  once  fairly  before 
the  people  as  an  Independent  Citizen's  candidate, 
regardless  of  what  other  candidates  may  decide  upon,  or 
who  may  hereafter  be  nominated  by  packed  conventions, 
under  no  circumstances  will  I  decline  or  resign.  With 
entire  confidence  in  the  integrity  and  good  judgment  or 
the  voters  of  the  city,  and  the  ultimate  success  of  the 
popular  movement  by  and  for  the  people  and  with  full 
purpose  to  do  my  whole  duty  I  fully  indorse  your  Decla- 
ration of  Principles  in  whole  and  in  part." 

Plain  and  direct  language,  but  how  will  it  suit  those 
Republican  "leaders"  who  lately  so  effectually  handled 
the  primaries?  Their  delegates  have  been  chosen  and 
their  conventions  are  just  at  hand.  To  the  One  Hundred 
these  Conventions  are  objects  of  concern.  They  have 
desired  to  effect  Eeforms  "  within  the  Republican  party." 
Their  primary  step  shall  have  been  accomplished  if  the 
Republican  Conventions  can  be  induced  to  accept  their 
two  Reform  candidates,  Messrs.  Caven  and  Hunter,  about 
whose  fate  at  the  hands  of  these  nominating  bodies  there 
is  more  uncertainty  than  exists  in  the  case  of  Mayor 
Stokley,  who,  it  has  for  some  days  past  been  evident,  will 
be  re-nominatea  by  the  Mayoralty  Convention.  If  there 
exists  any  hope  of  reconciliation  between  the  Reformers 
and  those  who  compose  the  followers  of  McManesism- 
it  lies  in  the  chance  of  both  agreeing  upon  these  two 
Reform  candidates.     The  One  Hundred  have  done  their 

*Se«  appendix. 


128  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

utmost  to  meet  the  regular  party,  from  whicli  they  have 
been  alienated,  upon  this  basis.  They  have  made  con- 
cessions beyond  the  limit  of  prudence  for  the  sake  of 
their  two  favorite  nominees.  Largely  on  their  account 
have  they  agreed  to  support  Mayor  Stokley,  even  when 
it  was  known  that  he  was  the  secret  back-room  choice  of 
McManesism. 

But  what  talk  is  this  that  now  plays  upon  the  fears  of 
the  Eeformers,  causing  them  to  anticipate  the  worst? 
It  is  that  Caven  and  Hunter  are  both  to  be  sacrificed 
despite  the  overwhelming  sentiment  of  the  people  in 
their  favor.  Bossism  laughs  in  its  sleeve.  Where  are 
the  plans  and  hopes  of  the  One  Hundred  now  ?  Yet 
Mayor  Stokley  could  save  them  if  he  were  to  hasten  to  them 
with  that  Declaration  of  Principles  and  his  sign  manual. 
But  the  Mayor  is  not  to  be  seen ;  has  other  business  on 
hand.  Verbal  promises  are  as  good  as  signs  manual. 
The  Committe  must  be  satisfied  with  his  verbal  promises. 

That  the  trap  was  cunningly  devised  and  shrewdly 
sprung  who  doubts  ?  The  day  of  the  Eepublican  Con- 
ventions, the  13th  of  January,  was  a  day  of  laughter  and 
gibes  on  the  part  of  Bossism.  The  Mayoralty  Conven- 
tion, which  re-nominated  Mayor  Stokley,  was  a  repre- 
sentative one  of  its  kind.  It  was  composed  of  one 
hundred  and  ninety-nine  delegates,  of  which  eighty- six 
were  miscellaneous  office-holders  from  the  various  De- 
partments, nine  were  members  of  the  City  Councils,  five 
were  police  magistrates,  four  were  constables  and  twenty- 
three  were  policemen.*    Thus  was  the  fruitful  work  of 

*"  An  analysis  of  the  personnel  of  the  Convention  which  nominated 
Stokley  will  show  that  it  was  largely  packed  by  otlice-holders  and  police- 
men. A  summary  of  the  occupations  of  the  delegates  shows  that  there 
were2»  policemen,  4  constables,  9  members  of  City  Councils,  5  police 
maKistrates  and  86  office-holders  of  oue  sort  or  auother."— raj/r/urt'a 
Sunday  Times,  Jan.  16, 1881. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSTSM.  129 

the  primaries  exemplified.  The  Chairman  of  the  Con- 
vention was  selected  by  Mr.  Gas  Trustee  Leeds, — an 
intimate  political  associate  of  Mr.  Gas  Trustee  McManes — 
who  personally  directed  the  burlesque  political  perform- 
ance, dignified  by  verbal  usage  as  the  "  Mayoralty  Con- 
vention." Not  with  entire  harmony,  however,  did  the 
occasion  pass  oflF.  The  delegates  of  Mr.  Keim,  to  the 
number  of  thirty-four,  declined  to  vote,  thus  expressing 
their  displeasure  over  the  afi^air;  and  reserving  their 
power  for  a  Dissenting  Convention  of  their  own,  if  upon 
reflection  it  be  deemed  wise.  No! — they  did  vote  once; 
led  by  the  deep-voiced  Magistrate  Thomas  South  they 
voted  with  a  vigorous  and  combined  yell  against  making 
Mayor  Stokley's  nomination  unanimous;  and  after 
accomplishing  their  object  rushed  out,  led  by  the  plucky 
Magistrate  South,  to  condole  with  each  other  and  neu- 
tralize their  disappointment  in  a  convenient  beer  saloon 
over  foaming  glasses  of  lager. 

Meantime,  in  the  Convention  for  the  nomination  of  a 
candidate  for  Receiver  of  Taxes,  Bossism  likewise  carried 
the  day  with  a  high  hand,  and  similar  things  were 
enacted.  The  name  of  the  nominee  is  not  John  Hunter 
but  George  G.  Pierie^  a  young  man  whose  greatness  in 
statesmanship  has  not  yet  been  tested  and  is  therefore 
conjectural ;  but  whose  original  avocation  as  a  newspaper 
man  and  secretary  to  a  Mercantile  Board,  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  McManesism,  despite  its  unfortunate  ex- 
perience in  the  November  election  in  its  effort  to  defeat 
Controller  Pattison,  has  still  a  fondness  for  gentlemen 
associated  with  journalism,  which  fact,  upon  reflection, 
seems  strange  and  unfathomable. 

In  the  City  Solicitor's  Convention,  which  is  a  faithful 


130  THE   FALL   OF  BOSSISM. 

duplicate  of  the  other  two,  Bossism  re-nominates  Mr. 
Solicitor  West,  leaving  Mr.  Cavea  to  fare  as  did  Mr. 
Hunter  at  the  hands  of  the  Receiver's  assemblage ;  thus 
leaving  untouched  the  One  Hundred's  two  most  impor- 
tant candidates  and  taking  their  third,  whom  they  could 
have  very  well  spared.  Truly,  it  has  been  a  great  day 
for  Bossism,  and  never  will  wine  bottles  pop  more 
musically  in  club  rooms  and  other  favorite  haunts,  than 
to-night  when  the  leaders  and  plotters  of  this  day's  work 
come  together  for  mutual  congratulation. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

IlfEVITABLE    CONSEQUENCES  I 

Now  on  the  very  day  of  the  Republican  Nominating 
Conventions  it  happened  affairs  with  the  Reform  Com- 
mittee had  reached  a  crisis.  The  long-expected  reply 
from  Mayor  Stokley  had,  on  the  day  before,  reached  the 
hands  of  Chairman  Garrett,  and  forthwith  a  call  was 
issued  for  a  meeting  of  the  Executive  Committee  on  the 
following  day.  Thus  it  came  about  that  when  the  work 
of  the  Conventions  was  finished  the  news  of  the  rejection 
of  Messrs.  Caven  and  Hunter  reached  Chairman  Garrett 
and  such  members  of  the  Executive  Committee  as  he  had 
been  able  to  get  together  on  short  notice,  as  they  sat  in 
council  in  the  law  otEce  of  their  Secretary,  Ellis  D. 
Williams,  deliberating  over  the  contents  of  the  Mayor's 
letter.  The  belief  that  the  Mayor,  after  obtaining  from 
the  Reformers  their  written  approval  of  his  administra- 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  131 

tion  (for  Chairman  Garrett's  letter  of  notification  prac- 
tically amounted  to  that),  had  changed  his  attitude  to- 
ward them  was  growing  more  widespread  daily,  as  we 
have  seen.  Mr.  Garrett  and  his  fellow  Committeemen 
had  had  their  fears  but  they  exhibited  unusual  judgment 
and,  despite  various  suspicious  circumstances  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Mayor's  recent  Reform  professions — not  the 
least  of  which  was  the  activity  of  the  police  at  the  pri- 
maries— refrained  from  any  expression  of  opinion  on  the 
question  until  they  could  learn  from  the  Mayor  himself 
what  was  his  real  position. 

That  question  was  now  no  longer  a  secret.  The 
Mayor's  letter*  only  too  surely  confirmed  the  existing 
impression.  It  had  evidently  been  written  after  assur- 
ances were  received  that  he  was  certain  of  renomination 
by  the  Republican  Convention  and  could  safely  afford  to 
be  more  independent  toward  the  Reformers,  even  to  the 
extent  of  ignoring  their  request  to  indorse  their  Declara- 
tion of  Principles.  The  letter  shrewdly  evaded  all  the 
material  parts  of  Chairman  Garrett's  communication;  the 
Mayor,  with  nice  discrimination,  confining  himself  to 
lofty  acknowledgements  of  the  compliments  conveyed  in 
the  Reform  message,  and  brushing  aside  such  prosaic 
matter  as  a  request  for  the  indorsement  of  Reform  prin- 
ciples as  a  trifle  he  was  not  expected  to  notice. 

For  the  first  time  now,  perhaps,  Chairman  Garrett  and 
his  associates  as  they  perused  the  letter  in  this  hastily 
called  meeting  realized  the  gravity  of  the  position  in 
which  they  were  placed.  The  tone  of  the  letter  was  so 
different  from  that  of  the  former  communication  from 
the  same  source,  the  style  was  so  formal  compared  with 
*See  appendix 


132  THE   FALL  OP   BOSSLSlCl. 

the  Mayor's  recent  display  of  excessive  affability  that 
the  Keforraers,  notwithstanding  the  warnings  they  had 
lately  received,  were  taken  by  surprise  and  knew  not 
what  course  to  pursue.  After  occupying  several  hours 
in  discussion  it  was  determined  to  hold  another  meeting 
on  the  next  day  in  order  that  the  matter  might  receive 
fuller  consideration  from  the  entire  Executive  Com- 
mittee; and  a  notification  went  forth,  accordingly,  to 
the  various  members,  more  than  one-half  of  whom  had 
not  participated  in  this  informal  deliberation,  to  assemble 
on  the  following  afternoon  at  the  rooms  of  the  Board  of 
Trade  for  this  specific  purpose.  This  meeting,  in  the 
absence  of  Chairman  Little,  was  presided  over  by 
Citizen  James  A.  Wright,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents 
of  the  General  Committee.  As  if  the  complications 
arising  from  the  Mayor's  letter  were  not  enough,  there 
was  also  received  the  letter  of  President  Caven,*  penned 
a  few  hours  before,  in  which,  while  still  avowing  his 
fealty  to  Reform  principles  and  to  the  Reform  movement, 
he  respectfully  declined  the  Reform  nomination  for  City 
Solicitor,  frankly  staling  that  he  had  delayed  answering 
President  Garrett's  letter  of  notification  until  after  the 
Republican  Conventions  in  order  that  he  might  know 
when  he  replied  whether  he  was  or  was  not  to  be  the 
choice  of  the  Republicans  for  the  same  office.  The  re- 
nomination  of  Mr.  Solicitor  West  led  him  to  believe  that 
there  was  little  prospect  of  the  election  of  any  one  whom 
the  Reformers  might  put  up  for  this  office  as  an  Inde- 
pendent candidate,  though  his  belief  in  the  final  success 
of  his  friend  John  Hunter  as  the  Reform  candidate  for  Re- 
ceiver of  Taxes  amounted  almost  to  a  positive  conviction. 

*See  appendix. 


THE  FALL  OF  B0SSL<3M.  1?,^ 

Had  Mayor  Stokley's  letter  answered  the  expectations 
entertained  by  the  Reformers  when  they  placed  him  in 
nomination,  it  is  probable  that  Mr.  Caveu's  declination 
would  have  caused  much  solicitude  and  been  the  subject 
of  more  than  one  meeting  for  conference  and  of  no  little 
anxious  discussion.  That  letter,  however,  was  a  revela- 
tion so  startling  that  everything  else  was  dwarfed  into 
insignificance  by  comparison  and  Mr.  Caven's  course,  in 
the  then  anxious  state  of  the  Reform  mind,  caused  less 
of  a  sensation  than  it  would  under  other  circumstances 
have  produced.  The  thing  of  present  moment  was 
Mayor  Stokley's  intentions.  Looking  into  his  former 
and  his  later  acts  these  would  seem  not  hard  to  make 
clear.  First  and  most  conspicuous  among  the  things 
apparent  was  the  fact  that  the  Mayor  had  not  signed  the 
Declaration  of  Principles.  In  this  fact  what  a  field  for 
conjecture,  and  for  far-reaching  conclusions  I  The 
affixing  of  his  name  to  that  paper  would  have  been 
a  simple  act;  three  or  four  scratches  of  a  pen  would  have 
done  it; — so  the  physical  labor  involved  could  hardly 
have  been  the  cause  of  the  failure.  John  Hunter,  an 
older  and  busier  man,  found  not  only  time  to  affix  his 
signature  thereto,  but  also  to  write  a  spirited  letter, 
breathing  in  every  sentence  confidence,  resolution  and 
courage.  Yet,  strangely  enough,  Mr.  Hunter  did  not 
receive  the  Republican  nomination ! 

To  the  Reform  Executive  Committee  belongs  the  task 
of  reconciling  these  several  apparent  inconsistencies. 
They  will  try  their  best  for  obvious  reasons.  There  must 
be  a  sub-committee  appointed  to  wait  on  the  Mayor  and 
ascertain  his  intentions.  Perhaps  the  letter  of  notifi- 
cation has  not  been  explicit  enough,  and  it  may  be  well 


134  TEE  TALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

to  inform  the  Mayor  verbally — but  very  politely — that 
Reform  candidates  are  expected  to  sign  the  Declaration, 
of  which  the  Mayor  has  a  copy.  Such  a  course  at  the 
worst  can  do  iio  more  than  give  them  a  clear  under- 
standing of  his  true  position  and  that  after  all  is  the 
thing  now  important  to  know. 

Accordingly  the  Committee  is  appointed,  Chairman 
Garrett  and  Fi'ancis  B.  Reeves  constituting  it.  The  Ex- 
ecutive Committee,  Avhich  has  been  in  session  from  the 
middle  of  the  afternoon  until  night,  now  adjourns  to 
assemble  again  on  the  next  afternoon,  that  of  Saturday, 
February  loth,  to  hear  the  report  of  the  Committee 
of  two,  and  take  whatever  action  may  seem  necessary 
forthwith. 

We  have  seen  the  Reform  Committee  up  until  this 
stage,  in  its  attitude  toward  Mayor  Stokley,  somewhat 
uncertain  and  irresolute,  a  prey  to  fears  and  annoying 
doubts  which  would  not  be  silenced,  as  to  whether  it  had 
not  by  that  act  which  made  him  its  nominee  sacrificed 
its  better  judgment,  at  the  whisper  of  a  few  personal 
friends  ot"  the  Mayor  on  the  Committee, — who  happened 
to  be  influential  members, — yet  always  justifying  itself 
by  the  hope  that  future  events  would  prove  its  course 
to  have  been  wise.  That  the  selection  of  Mr.  Stokley  in 
the  first  instance  was  not  in  accord  with  the  judgment 
of  the  Executive  Committee  however  it  may  have  been 
with  the  General  Committee,  it  is  only  necessary  to  recall 
as  proof,  the  fact  that  the  manner  in  which  his  name 
was  presented  for  nomination  before  the  meeting  of  the 
latter  Committee  on  the  20th  of  December,  was  different 
from  that  in  which  the  names  of  Messrs.  Caven  and 
Hunter  were  presented  and  therefore,  under  the  Com- 


THE   FALL   OF    BOSSISM.  135 

mittee's  rules,  irregular.  The  selection  of  the  latter  two 
candidates  was  made  upon  the  recommendation  of  the 
Executive  Committee  whose  business  it  was  to  submit  to 
the  General  Committee  at  its  stated  meetings  a  report 
embodying  among  other  things  the  names  of  persons 
whom  the  former  Committee  had  decided  worthy  of 
nomination  for  particular  offices;  and  this  report  the 
General  Committee  had  the  right  to  accept  or  reject  as 
it  might  in  its  judgment  deem  proper.  Whether  by 
reason  of  doubts  as  to  the  wisdom  of  nominating  Mayor 
Stokley  or  whether  on  account  of  a  desire  to  postpone 
the  Mayoralty  matter  until  the  sentiment  of  the  people 
on  the  subject  could  be  more  clearly  ascertained,  the 
Executive  Committee  in  its  report  submitting  the  names 
of  the  two  candidates  stated,  for  Eeceiver  of  Taxes  and 
City  Solicitor,  made  no  mention  of  the  Mayoralty  matter 
nor  of  Mayor  Stokley.  Not  until  after  this  report  had 
been  accepted  and  the  nomination  of  the  two  Reformers 
in  question  effected,  was  the  effort  made  on  behalf  of 
the  Mayor,  Mr.  Drexel  arising  in  the  meeting  of  the 
General  Committee  and  presenting  the  name  of  Mr. 
Stokley,  who  was  chosen  amid  universal  confusion  cul- 
minating in  the  withdrawal  from  membership  of  Rudolph 
Blankenburg, — facts  which  would  seem  to  indicate  that 
the  nomination  was  more  hastily  than  judiciously 
made. 

Having  thus  sown  the  seeds  of  error,  the  Committee 
was  now  called  upon  to  reap  the  crop.  The  time  had 
come  when  stern  facts  demanded  that  the  mask  of  self- 
delusion  should  be  worn  no  longer,  when  the  wearers 
were  perforce  compelled  to  cast  the  pleasing  thing  aside 
a.nd  face  realities.    Honeyed  words  and  compliments  had 


136  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM, 

ceased  to  possess,  in  Mayor  Stokley's  case,  the  virtues 
they  once  enjoyed,  the  Mayorial  susceptibilities  having 
become  suddenly  obtuse  since  the  Republican  conven- 
tions. To  make  themselves  understood  now,  the  Re- 
formers were  obliged  to  adopt  the  most  pointed  and  direct 
forms  of  speech,  where  formerly  the  Mayor  readily  inter- 
preted their  meaning  when  conveyed  to  him  by  similes. 
This  change  in  the  Mayor,  Chairman  Garrett  and  Francis 
B.  Reeves,  arriving  in  his  presence  on  their  weighty  mis- 
sion, witnessed  with  pain  not  unmingled  with  embarrass- 
ment. The  Mayor's  reception,  compared  with  his  past 
treatment  of  them,  was  cold  and  formal.  Present  in  an 
oflBcial  capacity,  they  affected  not  to  notice  his  changed  de- 
meanor, but  sought  to  win  his  good  graces  and  to  impress 
him  with  the  sincerity  of  their  motives,  hoping  to  win 
him  back  to  his  former  self.  They  reminded  him  of  their 
Declaration  of  Principles,  and  of  the  rule  of  their  organi- 
zation requiring  all  their  candidates  to  sign  the  Declara- 
tion. Would  the  Mayor  not  now  comply  with  that  rule 
and  affix  his  signature  to  that  important  document?  No, 
the  Mayor  would  not.  Brusquely  enough  he  stated  his 
refusal,  too.  He  had  put  his  signature  to  all  the  papers 
he  proposed  to;  the  committee  must  be  content  with 
what  he  had  already  written  them  ;  they  were  disposed 
to  exact  too  much  from  him.  He  should  do  no  more, 
and  it  might  as  well  be  so  understood,  once  and  for  all 
time. 

Enough,  enough  Mayor  Stokley  I  You  will  not  have 
men  plead  with  you  and  if  you  would,  these  men  will 
not.  Rather  will  they  seek  a  desperate  and  heroic  reme- 
dy, in  which  pleading  and  cajoling  will  not  be  a  part. 
You  have  aroused  them.  Mayor.     See  you  not  the  flame 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  137 

you  have  kindled  in  the  mild  eyes  of  Chairman  Garrett, 
not  now  mild  and  benign  behind  gold-rimmed  spectacles, 
but  deep  and  stern  with  sudden-born  determination. 
And  cool-headed  Francis  B.  Eeeves,  ever  deep,  of  even 
temperament,  deliberate,  and  inclined  to  much  medita- 
tion ; — he  it  is  Mayor  who  must  be  called  author  of  that 
inflexible  regulation,  or  rule,  or  by-law,  or  what  you 
please,  which  puts  you  to  the  test  at  this  moment,  with 
your  emphatic  "  I  will  not  sign  the  Declaration";  where- 
in the  subtle  consequences  of  injustice  to  old  William 
Conway  is  seen  strangely  ;  for  on  the  mind  of  Francis  B. 
Reeves  the  old  man's  story  left  its  impress  deeply,  caus- 
ing him  to  affirm  as  a  positive  conviction  that  a  non-par- 
tisan police-force  is  essential  to  the  rights  of  citizens  and 
that  he  who  is  chosen  Mayor  should  pledge  himself  in 
advance  to  maintain  such  principles  when  in  power. 

From  the  Mayor's  presence  Messrs.  Garrett  and  Eeeves 
go  direct  to  the  meeting  of  the  Executive  Committee,  for 
the  time  has  come  for  the  members  to  assemble.  Memor- 
able, eventful  meeting  I  No  longer  to  appeal  to  pleasing 
hopes  and  possibilities  ;  no  longer  to  temporize  and  look 
forward  to  unpledged  expectations.  That  was  popular 
once,  but  popular  it  is  no  longer.  After  Chairman  Gar- 
rett submits  his  report,  nothing  becomes  less  popular. 
The  minds  of  the  members  are  instantly  swayed  by  one 
controlling  purpose.  Read  the  journals,  portraying  the 
scene,  on  that  occasion  I  There  will  be  found  matter  of 
thrilling  interest.  Twenty  members  were  on  their  feet 
at  once,  as  Chairman  Garrett,  having  finished  his  report, 
sat  down,  all  eager  to  catch  the  presiding  officer's  ear,  and 
all  shouting,  with  slight  lingual  variation,  the  same  thing. 
"  Mr,  Chairman,  I  move  the  name  of  Mayor  Stokley  be 


138  THE  FALL  OF  BOSHISM. 

withdrawn !"  Chairman  Little,  amid  the  din  and  confusion 
cannot  put  all  the  motions;  isindoubt  whether  he  can  put 
any,  until  they  have  been  written  out  in  the  form  of  reso- 
lutions. Luckily  some  cool-headed  member  proposes  a  re- 
cess, in  order  that  the  members  with  resolutions  to  offer  on 
the  subject  may  consult  together  and  agree  upon  something 
which  shall  cover  the  matter  to  the  satisfaction  of  all. 
Ten,  or  at  most  fifteen  minutes  suffice  to  enable  them  to 
epitomize  their  sentiments  in  a  draft  which,  being  read 
and  approved  by  all,  is  handed  to  Dunbar  Lockwood, 
whose  courageous  defense  of  principles  heretofore  has, 
by  common  consent,  given  him  the  position  of  leader  in 
an  emergency ;  and  the  meeting  coming  to  order  again, 
Mr.  Lockwood  presents  the  screed  which  then  and  there 
in  sober  language  establishes  itself  as  historical :  "Where- 
as the  Citizen's  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  at  a  meet- 
ing held  on  the  20th  day  of  December,  1880,  adopted  a 
Declaration  of  Principles,  and  a  resolution  to  the  effect 
that  the  candidates  to  be  nominated  by  the  Committee 
be  required  to  indorse  in  writing  the  principles  thereof, 
and  nominated  William  S.  Stokley  for  Mayor  of  the  city 
of  Philadelphia;  and.  Whereas  his  nomination  was  made, 
under  what  appeared  to  be  a  well-founded  belief  that  he 
affirmed  and  accepted  our  principles ;  and,  Whereas,  in 
his  written  reply  to  the  letter  of  notification  he  omits 
entirely  to  indorse  our  Declaration  of  Principles  and 
verbally  has  distinctly  declined  to  subscribe  to  it,  there- 
fore Resolved,  that  we  now  withdraw  our  nomination  of 
William  S.  Stokley  for  the  said  office." 

Read  the  account  of  what  followed  there  in  Tlie  Times 
of  next  day,  January  16,  1881,  if  you  would  know  where 
fearless  and  determined  Reform  work  began,  and  where 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  139 

half-hearted  and  consciously-restricted  effort  left  off! 
where  the  fetters  of  social  influence  which  had  for  weeks 
held  captive  men's  true  convictions  and  impulses  were 
flung  aside,  and  stern,  uncompromising  principle  came 
unto  its  own : 

"  The  vote  was  called  and  the  result  was  the  unani- 
mous adoption  of  the  resolution.  It  was  then  decided 
that  the  resolution  and  the  action  taken  upon  it,  be  re- 
ferred to  the  General  Committee  of  One  Hundred  at  its 
meeting,  in  the  Board  of  Trade  Rooms,  to-morrow  after- 
noon, with  a  recommendation  for  similar  action.  The 
passage  of  the  resolution  without  opposition  was  a  sur- 
prise to  some  of  the  most  active  opponents  of  Mayor 
Stokley.  Speaking  of  the  matter  afterward,  one  of  them 
said:  'I  was  very  much  surprised  at  two  things, — first 
that  there  was  a  full  committee  present,  and  second  that 
there  should  be  such  unanimity  in  passing  the  resolution 
withdrawing  Mayor  Stokley's  name.'  " 

Having  risen  above  petty  influences  and  asserted  the 
superiority  of  principle,  the  Reformers  do  not  stop  with 
the  rejection  of  Mayor  Stokley.  They  have  been 
aroused ;  have  begun,  as  it  were,  to  purge  themselves. 
There  have  been  lingering  prejudices  in  favor  of  reform- 
ing within  party  lines.  No  longer  shall  this  fallacy  delude 
them.  With  shame  do  they  now  look  upon  the  fact  that 
their  Constitution  and  Declaration  of  Principles  are  in 
reality  too  narrow  for  true  principles  to  abide  there.  Too 
much  care  has  heretofore  been  exercised  to  preserve  the 
distinctions  of  party.  They  have  thought  that  Reform's 
true  mission  was  to  reform  the  Republican  party,  and  do 
it,  too,  only  with  Republican  material.  Now  do  they 
plainly  see  that  principle  is  older  and  vastly  more  im- 
portant than  party,  and  that  if  they  would  do  Reform's 


140  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM, 

work  truly,  they  must  cast  aside  party  considerations,  as 
so  much  rubbish.  Of  this,  hear  what  TIiq  Times  says  in 
the  same  account: 

"  After  the  Mayoralty  matter  was  disposed  of  several 
other  resolutions  were  passed  calling  for  a  revision  of  the 
Declaration  of  Principles  in  order  to  make  ifc  more 
thoroughly  non-partisan  and  in  effect  inviting  the  cooper- 
ation of  the  Democrats.  These  resolutions  likewise 
will  come  up  in  the  meeting  of  the  General  Com- 
mittee to-morrow  for  indorsement.  *  *  *  In  a  talk 
yesterday  with  Joseph  L.  Caven  who  had  declined  the 
nomination  for  City  Solicitor  he  said:  'I  will  take  an 
active  and  aggressive  part  in  the  campaign  if  they  nomi- 
nate a  non-partisan  ticket — that  is  a  ticket  that  shall 
satisfy  me  that  the  candidates  are  good  men — men  who, 
if  elected,  will  be  faithful  to  the  public  interests.  That  is 
what  my  letter  meant.  I  am  for  John  Hunter  for 
Receiver  of  Taxes  all  the  time.'  '""  *  *  On  the  same 
subject  Controller  Pattison,  representing  the  Democratic 
side  of  the  house  said  :  'The  wisest  course  to  be  pursued 
by  the  Democratic  party,  in  my  judgment,  is  to  name  such 
a  ticket  as  Mr.  Steel  for  Mayor,  John  R.  Read  for  City 
Solicitor,  and  John  Hunter  for  Receiver  of  Taxes.  Such 
a  ticket  as  this  would  command  the  respect  of  all  good 
citizens  without  regard  to  party.  I  would  be  willing  to 
go  into  the  contest  and  do  my  best  toward  electing  such 
inen.' " 

Significant  words!  And  doubly  significant  coming 
from  such  men,  whose  help.  Reformers,  you  shall  need 
before  this  struggle  is  ended.  Therefore  doubly  welcome 
that  it  is  in  this  decisive  moment  pledged  I 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

PARTY  LINES  "WEIGHED   AND    FOUND  "WANriNG. 

Behold,  now,  in  the  rooms  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  on 
this  January  day,  17th  in  the  calendar,  some  exciting 
scenes.  It  is  afternoon,  within  a  few  minutes  of  the  hour 
of  three  o'clock,  at  which  time  the  General  Committee 
is  expected  to  meet.  Already  the  members  have  as- 
sembled, save  a  few  who,  even  now,  are  arriving  in  twos 
and  threes,  their  faces  and  their  quick,  expressive  gestures 
denoting  matter  in  anticipation  of  unusual  importance. 
In  small  groups  they  stand  within  the  large  room,  carry- 
ing on  excited  conversation,  mostly  in  an  undertone. 
One  there  is  present  whose  appearance  seems  to  cause  a 
sensation,  nevertheless  an  agreeable  one;  for,  as  he  moves 
through  the  room  the  conversation  stops,  the  little  groups 
suddenly  break  up  and,  with  surprised  exclamations  mem- 
bers generally  move  in  the  new-comer's  direction,  grasp 
him  by  the  hand,  and  with  hearty  greeting  bid  him  wel- 
come. Not  less  pleased  seems  the  subject  of  this  recep- 
tion, who  is  a  rather  tall,  broad-shouldered  man,  with  a 
large  head,  a  broad,  white  forehead,  a  mass  of  dark  brown 
hair  rather  inclined  to  be  curly,  a  full  brown  beard  and 
mustache,  the  luxurious,  bushy  growth  of  which  might 
suggest  the  hardy  Russian,  and  a  pair  of  quick,  expressive 
steel-blue  eyes.  Rudolph  Blankenburg  this  is,  uncom- 
promising champion  of  principle,  whose  convictions  on 
the  unwisdom  of  selecting  Mr.  Stokley  as  the  Reform 
candidate  for  Mayor,  having  passed  through  a  crucical 
test  and  proved  to  be  of  finest  metal,  are  this  day  to  le- 
ceive  a  triumphant  vindication.  Clear-sighted  Mr.  Blank- 
enburg I  Plainly  did  you  foresee  and  predict,  in  this  same 
(141) 


142  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

room,  nearly  one  month  ago,  consequences  which,  within 
the  last  half  week  have  made  themselves  only  too  surely 
manifesc.  Earnest  was  your  protest  there  against  the 
Mayor's  nomination,  and  vigorously  did  you  oppose, 
almost  single-handed,  the  specious  arguments,  verbal  and 
written,  which  were  urged  in  his  favor,  and,  having  failed 
to  save  your  associates  from  error,  you  remained  true  to 
yourself  and  gave  them  your  resignation.  Stern  and 
inflexible  champion  of  right  1  Time  has  been  a  prompt 
and  impartial  umpire  in  your  case,  Citizen  Blankenburg, 
and  no  longer  shall  it  be  necessary  for  you  to  pursue 
alone,  and  amidst  many  discouragements,  your  earnest 
work  for  the  cause  of  principle  in  your  own  way,  alien- 
ated from  those  whom  you  set  out  with,  so  full  of  hope 
and  of  zeal  in  your  efforts  on  behalf  of  people's  rights. 
And  not  back  to  the  One  Hundred  do  you  go  to  accept 
their  action  as  wise  and  confess  yourself  in  error,  but  they 
do  come  to  you,  take  you  by  the  hand,  and  manfully  ac- 
knowledge that  they  were  wrong  and  you  were  right. 

From  Citizen  Blankenburg  and  his  enthusiastic  recep- 
tion the  eye  wanders  to  the  next  most  noticeable  person- 
age, who  is  a  little,  wiry  man,  moving  about  briskly,  not 
to  say  excitedly,  and  greeting  with  unusually  good  spirits 
everybody  present.  A  clean-cut,  close-shaven  face,  with 
a  very  straight,  thin  body,  clothed  in  neat-fitting  Quaker 
garb  of  broadcloth,  and  with  head  crowned  with  broad- 
brimmed,  shining  beaver  hat,  and  hand  holding  a  roll  of 
foolscap — such  is  Oliver  Evans,  member  of  the  Reform 
Committee  and  intimate  j^ersonal  friend  of  Mayor  Stokley. 
Mr.  Evans  takes  the  hand  of  every  body,  makes  himself 
unusually  affable;  sometimes  taps  the  foolscap  signifi- 
cantly, and  once  is  heard  predicting  that  he  "shouldn't 


THE  FALL,  OF  BOSSISM.  14S 

wonder  if  there  would  be  an  old-fashioned  Quaker  row," 
but  never  once  allows  his  face  to  lose  its  pleasant  smile 
or  his  manner  to  lose  for  an  instant  its  appearance  of  ex- 
cessive spirits.  Such  unusual  good  humor  does  not  appear 
to  blend  well  in  every  instance  with  the  moods  of  mem- 
bers, some  of  whom  are  in  a  serious  frame  of  mind  and 
regard  Mr.  Evans  curiously,  if  not  suspiciously,  particu- 
larly as  he  now  and  then  betrays  indications  of  having 
some  capital  scheme  on  hand,  the  bare  contemplation  of 
which  seems  to  please  him  immensely. 

The  hour  of  three  arrives.  Chairman  Garrett's  gavel 
falls,  and  instantly  hats  are  drawn  off,  members  crowd 
into  seats  and  the  buzz  of  conversation  ceases.  The  min- 
utes of  the  last  meeting  are  read  and  listened  to  with 
impressive  silence.  As  the  reading  concludes  the  tall 
form  of  Dunbar  Lockwood  arises,  and  his  voice  is 
heard  addressing  the  chair ;  makes  a  motion  to  the  effect 
that  Eudolj^h  Blankenburg  be  received  back  into  the 
Committee's  membership,  which  motion  is  eagerly  sec- 
onded and  passes  unanimously,  amidst  a  vigorous  clap- 
ping of  hands,  which  causes  Mr.  Blankenburg's  face  to 
flush  with  pleasure  as  he  bows  his  acknowledgments. 

Some  resignations  are  received;  resignations  of  James 
Dobson  and  of  Messrs.  Griffith  and  Loeble ;  the  letters 
not  specifying  any  reason  for  withdrawing,  though 
Mr.  Dobson  is  known  to  be  a  strong  friend  and  supporter 
of  Mavor  Stokley,  and  for  that  reason  members  are  apt 
to  ascribe  to  recent  events  the  cause  of  his  action. 

Meantime,  on  a  front  seat,  with  the  roll  of  foolscap 
held  in»conspicuous  view,  and  anon,  with  a  slight  display 
of  nervousness  tapping  one  of  the  broadcloth  encased 
knees,  with  face  turned  intently  toward  Chairman  Gar- 


144  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

rett  and  with  mind  on  the  alert  during  the  preliminary 
proceedings,  sits  Oliver  Evans,  his  manner  more  than 
ever  betokening  the  presence  of  some  unusually  absorb- 
ing subject  of  contemplation.  Near  him  sits,  also,  Citizen 
B.  B.  Comegys,  likewise  a  strong  friend  of  Mr,  Stokley, 
and  recently  a  delegate  to  the  Republican  Convention, 
where  Mr.  Comegys  had  the  pleasure  of  helping  make 
Mr.  Stokley  the  party  nominee;  and  near  Mr.  Comegys 
and  Mr.  Evans  sits  still  another  friend  of  Mr.  Stokley  in 
the  person  of  Citizen  William  Sellers.  None  of  these 
gentlemen  are  members  of  the  Executive  Committee, 
otherwise  there  would,  perhaps,  be  a  minority  report 
ready  for  presentation  here  to-day,  dissenting  from  the 
action  of  that  Committee  at  its  meeting  two  days  before. 
A  favorable  opportunity  now  arrives,  and  Mr.  Evans 
quickly  decides  that  the  time  for  action  is  at  hand.  He 
catches  the  Chairman's  eye,  arises  and  addresses  him.  A 
hush,  solemn  and  sepulchral,  falls  upon  the  assem- 
blage, and  every  eye  is  turned  upon  Citizen  Evans  and 
his  foolscap.  The  trim,  neat,  little  man,  in  his  Quaker 
garb,  and  with  his  smooth-shaven  face,  advances  to  a 
point  in  front  of  the  Secretary's  desk,  then  turns  with  a 
slight,  respectful  cough,  half  facing  the  Chairman  and 
half  facing  his  fellow  Committee-men;  adjusts  a  pair  of 
steel-rimmed  spectacles,  and,  with  something  betwixt  a 
bow  and  a  half  benevolent  glance  towards  the  assembled 
members,  unrolls  his  foolscap.  Methodically  does  he 
straighten  out  the  paper  in  his  hands,  for  his  coolness 
has  now  all  returned,  and  as  he  smooths  it  into  convenient 
form  for  his  eye  he  begins  a  preliminary  harangue  to  the 
assemblage,  which  harangue  is  opened  by  the  observation 
that  he  has  "a  paper  to  read,"  and  that  "at  the  same 


THE  FALL   OF   BOSSISM."  145 

time,  lie  feels  that  the  tone  and  temper  of  the  Committee 
is  against  wliat  he  is  about  to  say."  As  he  is  a  plain 
man  he  talces  it  for  granted  that  his  words  will  not  be 
misunderstood.  In  the  first  place,  it  appears  to  him,  it 
will  be  a  very  vacillating  course  for  the  Commiteee  to 
pursue  if  it  takes  back  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Stokley.    j 

Here  the  speaker  is  suddenly  interrupted  by  Citizen 
Joshua  L.  Baily,  who  arises  and  addresses  the  Chair. 
With  deference  to  the  speaker,  Mr.  Baily  would  ask 
if  the  subject  of  his  address  has  yet  been  brought 
regularly  before  the  meeting. 

"  I  was  just  about  to  ask  the  speaker  that  question 
myself,"  Chairman  Garrett  replies. 

Citizen  Evans  does  not  desire  to  violate  the  order  of 
proceedings  and  announces  affably  that  he  will  proceed 
at  once  to  read  the  contents  of  the  paper,  that  course  alone 
being  in  order.  No  objection  being  made,  he  again  adjusts 
his  spectacles,  and  amidst  an  almost  painful  silence 
reads : 

"The  undersigned  members  of  the  Citizen's  Committee 
of  one  Hundred  regard  it  as  their  duty  to  express  their 
dissent  from  the  act  of  the  majority  of  this  Committee  in 
withdrawing  the  name  of  Hon.  William  S.  Stokley. 

"We  believe,  and  must  earnestly  express  that  belief, 
that  Mr.  Stokley's  faithful  discharge  of  official  duty 
during  the  period  in  which  he  has  held  this  office  entitles 
him  to  the  highest  respect  and  largest  confidence  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  and  is  a  sufficient  guarantee  (without  any 
further  declaration  than  he  lias  already  made)  that  liis 
re-election  to  the  office  he  now  holds  will  be  promotive  of 
the  best  interests  of  the  City,  and  for  these  reasons  we 
intend  to  give  him  our  support  and  votes  and  commend 
him  to  those  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia." 


146  THE  FALL  OP  BOSSISM. 

Having  read  the  paper,  Mr.  Evans  did  not,  or  affected 
to  not,  notice  the  sensation  it  produced.  His  manner 
was  calm,  his  faculties  entirely  collected  as  he  looked  up 
and  faced  the  astonished  Committee.  "  This  paper,"  he 
observed  in  a  formal  way,  "already  contains  some  signa- 
tures. 1  will  place  it  on  the  table  here  where  all  other 
members  who  wish  to  sign  can  come  forward  and  do  so." 

Citizen  Evans  steps  briskly  up  and  lays  the  foolscap 
before  the  Secretaries,  when  it  is  forthwith  pounced  upon 
by  eager  newspaper  men,  and  its  contents  copied.  Mean- 
time there  was  confusion.  Eead  the  account  of  the  pro- 
ceedings published  by  The  Times  on  the  next  day,  begin- 
ning with  the  scene  that  followed  when  the  brisk  and 
dapper  little  Mr.  Evans  took  his  seat. 

Times,  January  18. — "Now  a  storm  seemed  to  be  rising 
in  the  back  of  the  hall.  Twenty  members  were  on  their 
feet  at  once,  all  shouting  the  same  thing,  '  Who  are  the 
signers  of  that  paper?  Let  us  have  the  names!  Let  us 
have  the  names  1  Read  the  names!'  shouted  Mr.  Lock- 
wood,  standing  up  straight  in  his  place  near  the  front. 
'  There  can't  be  many  names,'  said  Mr.  Arrott.  '  Eead  the 
names/  repeated  Mr.  Lockwood. 

"Mr.  Evans  coughed  slightly,  and  again  took  the  floor. 
'The  names,'  said  he,  '  are  A.  J.  Drexel,  Oliver  Evans, 
B.  B.  Comegys  and  William  Sellers.' 

"A  general  laugh  greeted  this  announcement.  'I 
knew  it,'  said  a  member  on  a  back  seat.  On  motion  of 
Francis  B.  Reeves  the  matter  was  laid  over  to  come  up 
further  on  in  regular  order. 

"  The  Chair  then  called  for  reports  from  special  com- 
mittees. The  report  of  the  committee  on  Ward  Organiza- 
tion came  first.  It  recommended  for  indorsement  the 
following  candidates  for  Councils:  Seventeenth  Ward, 
William  Dickson  and  William  Dunlap  for  Select  and 
Common  Council  respectively;    Twenty-fourth    Ward, 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  147 

John  Carson  for  Select  Council;  Twenty-ninth  ward, 
B.  B.  Comegyg  for  Select  Council  and  Messrs.  Simmons 
and  Smithers  for  Common  Council. 

"  The  reading  of  the  letters  from  the  three  nominees  of 
the  Committee  for  the  three  important  city  offices  came 
next.  The  letter  of  Mayor  Stokley  was  received  with 
silence.  The  letter  of  John  Hunter  brought  out  the 
most  vociferous  applause  heard  in  any  meeting  of  the 
Committee  since  its  organization — that  passage  of  the 
letter  in  which  he  stated  that  '  no  matter  what  other 
candidates  may  do,  I  will  neither  decline  nor  resign,'  be- 
ing received  with  a  vigorous  clapping  of  hands  and  cries 
of  '  good  I  good !'  The  closing  passage  of  the  letter  was 
also  heartily  applauded. 

"  Next  came  the  letter  of  Mr.  Caven  declining  the 
nomination  for  City  Solicitor.  When  its  reading  was 
finished  Mr.  Barbour  moved  that  the  declination  be  ac- 
cepted with  regret.  This  motion  was  supplemented  by  a 
resolution  which  Mr.  Simpson  offered  and  which  passed 
unanimously,  to  the  effect '  That  this  Committee  re-affirm 
their  indorsement  of  the  life  and  public  conduct  of  Joseph 
L.  Caven ;  that  we  regret  that  he  feels  it  his  duty  to  de- 
cline our  nomination,  and  that  we  believe  and  re-affirm 
the  belief  that  to  him  the  City  of  Philadelphia  owes  a 
debt  of  gratitude  that  it  will  never  be  able  to  repay.' 

"  The  Committee  now  came  to  the  gravest  part  of  the 
business  that  had  brought  it  together — the  report  of  the 
Executive  Committee  throwing  Mayor  Stokley  overboard 
and  embodying  resolutions  for  the  amendment  of  the  De-  / 
claration  of  Principles,  so  as  to  invite  the  co-operation  of  / 
the  Democrats.  On  both  these  questions  there  was  a 
struggle,  but  it  ended  in  the  carrying  of  each  in  accord- 
ance with  the  recommendations  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee by  a  majority  so  overwhelming  that  it  was  almost 
unanimous.  Before  reaching  that  part,  however,  there 
were  sharp  words  and  an  animated  discussion  generally. 

"The  report  of  the  Executive  Committee,  presented  by 
Chairman  Little,  recommended,  'First,  That  the  last 
clause  of  the  Declaration  of  Principles  be  altered,  by 
erasing  the  words  'while  we  are  Eepublicans  and  are 


148  THE   FALL   OF   BOSHTSM. 

Beeking  to  reform  the  management  of  the  Republican 
Party,'  making  it  read  '  our  efforts  are  on  behalf  not  of 
party  but  of  the  whole  people,  and  we  ask  the  co-opera- 
tion of  our  fellow-citizens  in  the  belief  that  these  princi- 
ples are  indispensable  to  good  municipal  government  and 
that  no  man  who  cannot  heartily  adopt  and  support  them 
is  worthy  of  our  suffrages.  Second.  Whereas,  The 
Citizens  Committee  of  One  Hundred  at  a  meeting  held 
on  the  20th  day  of  December,  1880,  adopted  a  Declara- 
tion of  Principles  and  a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  the 
candidates  to  be  nominated  by  the  Committee  be  re- 
quired to  indorse  in  writing  the  principles  thereof,  and 
nominated  William  S.  Stokley  for  Mayor  of  the  City  of 
Philadelphia;  and.  Whereas,  His  nomination  was  made 
under  what  appeared  to  be  a  well  founded  belief  that  he 
approved  and  accepted  our  precepts ;  and  Whereas,  In 
hia  written  reply  to  the  letter  of  notification  he  omits 
entirely  to  endorse  our  Declaration  of  Principles,  and 
verbally  has  distinctly  declined  to  subs^cribe  to  it ;  there- 
fore, Resolved,  That  we  now  withdraw  our  nomination  of 
William  S.  Stokley  for  the  said  office.  Third.  Whereas, 
The  action  of  the  Philadelphia  Conventions  and  the  re- 
fusal of  Mayor  Stokley  to  accept  the  Committee's  Declar- 
ation of  Principles  have  absolved  us  from  all  obligation 
to  work  within  Republican  lines;  therefore  Resolved, 
That  should  a  satisfactory  coalition  ticket  be  formed, 
this  Committee  will  heartly  accept  a  union  of  all  the 
elements  of  opposition  to  the  Republican  ring,  irrespec- 
tive of  party.  Resolved,  That  we  ask  the  co-operation  of 
a  similar  committee  of  members  of  the  Democratic  Party 
favorable  to  reform,  with  whom  we  shall  be  glad  to  work 
to  that  end.  Resolved,  That  the  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  One  Hundred  appoint  a  committee  of  five  to 
confer  with  such  committee  when  formed  with  a  view  to 
carrying  into  effect  such  purpose.  The  Executive  Com- 
mittee further  report  progress  in  suggesting  names  of  four 
persons  for  Gas  Trustees  as  instructed  at  the  last  meeting 
of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred.' 

"No   sooner  had   Mr.   Little    finished   reading    than 
Chairman  Garrett  arose.    He  said  that  before  taking  a 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  149 

vote  on  the  matter  it  would  perhaps  be  propfel'  for  him  to 
say  a  word  with  reference  to  the  conference  with  Ma3'or 
Stokley.  A  special  committee,  of  which  he  was  a  mem- 
ber, had  called  on  the  Mayor,  Saturday  morning,  to 
ascertain  whether  or  not  he  would  indorse  their  Declara- 
tion of  Principles.  The  Mayor  had  distinctly  and  im- 
periously refused  to  do  so.  He  informed  the  Committee 
that  he  had 'put  his  signature  to  all  he  intended  to;' 
under  the  circumstnaces  the  Executive  Committee  had 
nothing  else  to  do  but  withdraw  his  name. 

"  Chairman  Garrett  sat  down  amid  silence.  Oliver 
Evans  was  on  his  feet  in  an  instant.  He  desired  to  know 
of  Mr.  Garrett  whether  the  Committee  that  had  waited 
on  the  Mayor  had  not  given  him  to  understand  that  his 
answer  was  satisfactory  and  that  it  would  be  all  right. 

"  Mr.  Garrett,  rising,  with  every  eye  fixed  upon  him, 
said,  *  I  will  state  that  such  is  not  the  case.' 

"  Instantly  there  arose  another  burst  of  applause.  Mr. 
Evans  sat  down  quickly,  looking  a  little  confused.  But 
as  the  applause  died  away  he  jumped  to  his  feet  again. 

"  '  Then  Mr.  Chairman,'  said  he,  'I  have  to  state  that 
the  Mayor  misunderstood  the  Committee.' 

"  This  speech  was  greeted  with  loud  laughter  from  mem- 
bers on  the  back  seats.  The  tide  was  evidently  against 
Mr.  Evans  and  in  favor  of  Mr.  Garrett.  Stout  Mr.  Bar- 
bour, seated  near  the  aisle  about  half-way  back,  capped 
the  climax  and  made  the  room  roar  when  he  shouted, 
'Mr.  Chairman  it  has  been  stated  that  the  Mayor  did 
not  mean  that  letter  he  sent  to  us ;  he  only  sent  it  for 
funl' 

"  Citizen  James  Graham  now  added  his  name  to  the 
list  of  speakers.  Seeing  there  was  some  misunderstand- 
ing as  to  the  position  of  Mayor  Stokley,  he  suggessted 
that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  confer  with  him  with  a 
view  to  reaching  an  understanding.  It  was  manifestly 
wrong  to  withdraw  the  Mayor's  name  as  a  candidate 
without  more  evidence  as  to  his  unwillingness  to  sub- 
scribe to  the  Declaration  of  Principles.  The  very  word- 
ing of  the  resolution  of  the  Executive  Committee  reject- 
ing Mayor  Stokley  showed  it  was  unjust.    The  resolution 


150  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

stated  in  One  place  that  there  was  'a  well  founded  belief 
that  the  Mayor  was  in  sympathy  with  the  principles  of 
the  Committee.  Did  not  that  on  its  iace  condemn  the 
action  of  the  Executive  Committee?  Mr.  Graham  be- 
lieved in  giving  the  Mayor  a  chance.  Let  a  committee 
be  appointed  by  the  general  Committee  to  confer  with 
him. 

"Again  a  dozen  members  were  on  their  feet  instantly. 
As  many  more  were  shouting  from  their  seats,  '  That  has 
been  done  I  that  has  been  done!'  In  the  midst  of  the 
confusion  Chairman  Garrett  ruled  that  Mr.  Joshua  L. 
Kaily  had  the  floor. 

"  Mr.  Baily,  speaking  as  one  who  voted  in  the  Committee 
at  that  meeting  of  the  20th  of  December,  for  Mayor 
Stokley's  renomination,  desired  to  say  that  his  vote  was 
based  not  upon  Mr.  Stokley's  record  of  nine  years  as 
Mayor,  but  upon  his  letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Garrett  and 
upon  the  assurances  he  had  understood  Mr.  Garrett  to 
add  that  Mayor  Stokley  was  in  sympathy  with  their 
principles.  Furthermore  his  vote  was  given  with  the 
added  condition,  moved  by  Mr.  Francis  B.  Eeeves  and 
distinctly  accepted  by  Mr.  Drexel,  that  Mr.  Stokley 
should  accept  their  Declaration  of  Principles. 

"  '  It  has  been  charged,'  continued  Mr.  Baily,  'that  the 
Committee  of  One  Hundred  is  not  a  representative 
body.  It  might  be  well  to  inquire,  apropos  of  this  accu- 
sation, into  the  character  of  the  late  Republican  Conven- 
tion which  met  at  Horticultural  Hall  and  re-nomi- 
nated Mr.  Stokley.'  He  had  been  informed  that  of  the 
one  hundred  and  sixty  members  of  that  Convention  who 
voted  for  Mr,  Stokley's  re-nomination  eighty-six,  or  a 
clear  majority,  were  office  holders.  Twenty-three  of 
them  belonged  to  the  police  force;  nine  were  police 
magistrates ;  four  were  constables ;  eleven  were  members 
of  Councils,  and  nearly  forty  were  men  employed  in  vari- 
ous departments  of  the  City  Government.  They  knew 
their  bread  and  butter  depended  upon  their  supporting 
Mr.  Stokley  for  Mayor. 

"  '  In  the  remainder  of  the  number  you  will  find  many 
ex-oifice- holders  and  ringsters;  you  will  find  ten  saloou 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  151 

keepers  who  at  this  juncture,  at  least,  you  would  not  ex- 
pect to  find  among  the  supporters  of  Mayor  Stokley 
(laughter)*  unless  they  knew  that  their  interests  were 
safe  under  his  administration.' 

"  Mr.  Baily  would  say,  however,  that  there  had  been 
many  good  men  in  that  Convention.  Such  as  he  saw  sitting 
before  him  f  and  who  he  was  certain  would  commend 
the  respect  of  every  gentleman  present.  '  Ten  such  men 
might  have  saved  Sodom  once,  but  they  cannot  save  that 
Convention  from  the  stigma  of  having  been  packed  in  the 
interest  of  Mayor  Stokley  and  the  ring  which  has  so  long 
dominated  in  our  City  Offices,  loading  us  with  debt  and 
legislating  the  peoples  money  into  their  own  pockets.' 
He  did  not  desire  to  say  anything  derogatory  to  the  police. 
They  had  their  bidding  to  do  and  they  did  it. 

"  Mr.  Comegys  arose  as  Mr.  Baily  sat  down.  He  had 
heard  such  statements  about  that  Convention  before.  He 
was  sorry  to  hear  them.  He  defended  the  Convention 
and  said  it  was  made  up  af  good  citizens  as  zealous  for 
good  government  as  any  people  could  be. 

"Henry  Winsor  here  jumped  into  the  breach.  The 
question  was  whether  they  should  or  should  not  indorse 
the  resolutions  of  the  Executive  Committee.  He  could 
not  consistently  support  Mayor  Stokley  after  what  had 
happened. 

"  Mr.  Ellison  was  opposed  to  the  resolutions.  Mayor 
Stokley  had  made  a  good  record  as  Mayor  and  he  should 
be  nominated  again.  At  least  he  should  not  be  cast  over- 
board until  he  was  given  a  chance.  He  did  not  know 
Mr,  Stokley  personally.  But  some  things  he  had  asked 
for  had  been  promptly  granted. 

"  Eudolph  Blankenburg  said  that  Mr.  Stokley's  nomi- 
nation had  been  'sprung'  upon  the  Committee.  Mr. 
Graham  wanted  his  amendment  looked  up — about  the 
appointment  of  a  new  committee  to  confer  with  Mr. 
Stokley.     Nobody  had  seen   it.     Mr.   Graham  himself 

*The  Maj-QT  had,  a  few  weeks  before  his  nomination  by  the  Bepublican 
CouvenUon,  been  rigorously  enforcint;  the  law  which  compelled  salooa 
keepers  to  keep  closed  doors  on  Sundays. 

tMr.  Comegys. 


152  THE  PALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

could  not  tell  what  had  become  of  it  and  thought  there 
had  been  negligence  somewhere.  Chairman  Garrett  in- 
formed him  that  it  had  not  been  seconded,  A  member 
arose  and  seconded  it.  Then  the  question  was  called. 
The  amendment  provided  that  a  committee  be  appointed 
to  get  Mayor  Stokley  to  indorse  his  letter  of  the  20tii. 
Mr.  Wood  said  it  would  be  an  insult  to  ask  him  to  do 
this. 

" '  He  has  been  asked  and  he  has  refused,'  said  Mr. 
E,eeves. 

" '  Then,'  said  Mr.  Graham,  after  a  moment's  deep 
cogitation,  '  I'm  against  him.' 

"'Do  you  withdraw  your  amendment?'  asked  Chair- 
man Garrett. 

"  '  I  do,'  said  Mr.  Graham,  sitting  down  with  a  resigned 
aspect. 

"  After  this  episode  every  yote  Mr.  Graham  cast  was 
uncompromisingly  against  Mr.  Stokley. 

"  The  vote  was  then  called  on  the  main  resolution  em- 
bodied in  the  Executive  Committee's  report — that  dis- 
placing Mr.  Stokley.  A  storm  of  *  ayes '  announced  that 
it  had  gone  through  with  such  a  majority  that  there  was 
little  left  of  it.  Messrs.  B.  B.  Comegys,  Oliver  Evans 
and  William  Sellers  alone  voted  against  it.  Mayor  Stok- 
ley was  accordingly  no  longer  the  nominee  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  One  Hundred. 


"  Then  came  the  matter  of  voting  on  the  resolution  to 
amend  the  Declaration  of  Principles  so  as  to  secure 
Democratic  co-operation.  There  ensued  a  lively  debate 
on  the  question  of  the  passage  of  the  main  amendment — 
that  inviting  a  Democratic  committee  to  work  with  them. 
Many  of  those  who  had  helped  vote  Mayor  Stokley  off 
the  ticket  were  opposed  to  uniting  with  the  Democrats. 
Mr.  Winsor  was  one  of  them.  There  was  danger  in  that 
direction,  he  thought,  and  they  would  make  a  mistake  by 
giving  themselves  to  the  Democrats.  Oliver  Evans,  who 
had  been  silent  along  time  said  that  if  the  resolution  did 
not  mean  for  the  Committee  to  surrender  itself  to  the 


'THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  153 

Democrats  he  did  not  understand  language.  The  reading 
of  the  resolution  again  was  called  for.  This  was  done. 
Mr.  E.  Dunbar  Lockwood  developed  into  one  of  the 
staunchest  supporters  of  the  amendment.  Enough  time 
had  been  wasted,  he  urged,  trying  to  reform  within  party 
lines.  That  amendment  meant  nothing  more  than  to 
invite  the  best  element  of  the  Democrats  to  co-operate 
with  them.  In  that  way  they  might  expect  to  gain  a 
triumph.  But  never  while  they  held  out  and  tried  to  re- 
form strictly  inside  their  own  ranks.  Mr.  Simpson  was 
also  staunch  in  this  direction.  It  would  be  an  insult  to 
the  Democratic  party  if  they  were  to  go  to  them  and  ask 
them  to  help  elect  a  ticket  and  give  them  no  part  in  that 
ticket. 

"Finally  the  invitation  to  the  Democrats  was  rendered 
less  glaring  by  an  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Corson. 
He  moved  that  the  words  'and  other  citizens  '  be  added 
after  the  word  *  Democrats.' 

"  '  What  other  citizens  are  there  outside  Republicans 
and  Democrats?'  asked  one. 

" 'Greenbackers,'  answered  Mr.  Corson;  and  everybody 
laughed. 

"  Mr.  Comegys  had  another  amendment  to  -offer.  He 
moved  that  the  word  'Democrats'  be  stricken  out  and 
'other  citizens'  supplied  instead.  This  was  lost.  Mr. 
Corson's  amendment  to  the  main  amendment  was  adopted. 

"Again  Mr.  Simpson  came  fiercely  to  the  front  in  favor 
of  the  main,  or  original  amendment.  It  had  no  partisan 
significance,  he  said,  and  it  was  a  waste  of  time  to  carp 
over  it. 

"Mr.  Audenried  thought  it  was  most  embarrassing.  The 
Executive  Committee  had  worked  hard  to  get  up  these 
amendments  and  if  the  General  Committee  would  only 
trust  ther  ,  he  thought,  they  would  come  out  all  right. 
Chairmaa  Little,  of  the  Executive  Committee,  likewise 
favored  the  amendment.  So  did  Mr.  Gregg.  A  vote  was 
taken,  and  the  amendment  was  carried  with  the  additionl 
amendment  of  Mr.  Corson,  inviting  '  Democrats  and 
other  citizens'  to  helj)  elect  the  ticket. 

"The  chief  work  of  the  meeting  now  being  over,  several 


154  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

resolutions  were  offered  relating  to  further  action.  On 
Mr.  Theodore  Justice's  motion  the  question  of  filling 
vacancies  was  left  to  the  Executive  Committee.  Mr. 
Reeves  presented  an  amendment,  which  was  accepted, 
to  the  effect  that  no  nominations  be  offered  to  the 
General  Committee  hereafter  until  the  nominees  had 
subscribed  to  the  Declaration  of  Principles. 

"  Mr.  Blaukenburg  now  came  forward  with  the  following 
resolution,  which  was  passed,  Messrs.  Comegys,  Sellers 
and  Evans  alone  voting  against  it : 

"  '  Whereas,  It  is  a  notorious  fact  that  police  officers 
have  been  tlie  chief  managers  of  the  late  primary  elections 
in  many  of  our  wards;  therefore,  Resolved,  That  we  in- 
vite communications  and  testimony  bearing  on  the  fact 
from  all  citizens  possessing  the  same,  said  communications 
to  be  sent  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Executive  Committee, 
Ellis  D.  Williams.' 

"  The  last  resolution  offered  related  to  the  United  States 
Senatorship  contest  at  Harrisburg.  It  was  submitted  by 
Mr.  Reeves :  '  Resolved,  That  the  action  of  a  considerable 
number  of  the  Republican  members  of  the  Legislature 
in  declining  to  go  into  caucas  for  the  purpose  of  perpetu- 
ating ring  rule  has  our  unqualified  approbation,  and  that 
we  regard  it  as  a  hopeful  sign  that  the  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple are  about  to'be  respected  in  preference  to  the  personal 
domination  of  a  self-constituted  dictator.'*  This  reson- 
ion  passed  unanimously,  and  the  Committee  adjournedlu 

•Senator  J.  Dcumltl  Cameioo. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  TAX   DEPARTMENT. 

In  the  name  of  party  there  have  been  some  pretty  bad 
things  done  since  politics  first  began  to  have  place  among 
the  affairs  of  men.  Dishonesty  has  prospered,  vice  has 
flourished  and  bad  men  have  been  helped  on  their  vyay  to 
perdition,  or  to  some  other  unclassified  destination,  with 
money  stolen  from  the  people.  Gigantic  have  been  the 
frauds  hatched  under  the  heat  of  party  prejudice  and 
under  the  protective  influence  of  ignorance;  appalling 
have  been  the  wrongs  to  men  and  to  humanity  imposed 
under  the  cry  of  "fealty  to  party."  Bad  laws  have  been 
enacted  through  the  well-meaning  but  misapplied  zeal  of 
good  men,  and  sore  injustice  has  been  inflicted  upon 
tliousands  by  the  fact  that  worthy  persons  have  been 
pleased  to  cast  their  votes  not  in  accordance  with  the 
promptings  of  reason,  but  at  the  whisper  of  an  empty 
sentiment.  That  the  professional  politician  is  a  man  to 
be  considered  apart  from  the  rest  of  humanity  experience 
conclusively  proves.  A  creature  of  circumstances  he  re- 
quires no  qualification  of  fitness  in  his  vocation,  save  that 
of  cunning  mingled  with  a  certain  degree  of  caution. 
He  may  be  unable  to  write  his  own  name  or  to  know  how 
to  express  his  meaning  in  a  style  that  would  not  scandal- 
ize established  literary  standards,  but  cunning  and 
cautious  he  must  be  if  he  would  be  successful  in  his  call- 
ing. In  addition  he  must  possess  a  degree  of  combative- 
ness  and  bluster  to  intimidate  the  unduly  law-abiding 
and  over-scrupulous  who  may  sometimes  be  disposed  to 
protest  against  his  methods.  With  these  qualifications 
he  may  be  safely  relied  upon  to  make  his  way  in  the 
(155) 


156  THE  PALTi  OF  BOS8I8M. 

world,  and  especially  will  he  be  euccessful  in  communi- 
ties where  men  are  occupied  with  diversified  pursuits  and 
so  deeply  immersed  in  the  business  of  money-getting 
that  they  have  no  time  to  watch  this  man  of  cunning 
and  caution  who  is  entrusted  with  the  handling  of  the 
proceeds  of  the  taxes  and,  to  an  extent,  with  the  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs. 

Under  such  circumstances  did  the  Gas  Trust  develop  in 
Philadelphia  into  a  formidable  political  machine.  Under 
the  same  circumstances  was  the  office  of  Collector  of 
Delinquent  Taxes  created  whereby  a  public  official  de- 
rived, by  virtue  of  a  cunning  provision  of  the  law,  the 
sum  of  $200,000  as  yearly  compensation  for  the  work  of 
collecting  some  millions  of  dollars  of  annual  taxes  which 
the  collecting  system  of  his  superior,  the  Receiver  of 
Taxes,  was  not  supposed,  with  its  multifarious  duties  in 
connection  with  gathering  in  the  bulk  of  the  current 
taxes,  to  be  capable  of  reaching. 

We  have  said  this  Tax  Collecting  Department  was  the 
source  of  some  great  scandals.  That  it  was  so  not  with- 
out cause  a  few  facts  will  demonstrate.  The  Receiver  of 
Taxes  who  was  the  Chief  of  the  Tax  Collecting  system 
of  the  City  and  the  man  upon  whom  the  entire  responsi- 
bility for  the  proper  conduct  of  the  department  rested, 
was  elected  by  the  people.  His  salary  was  $2,500  a  year. 
No  other  official  connected  with  the  department  was 
elected,  the  force  of  deputies  and  clerks  being  selected 
by  the  Eeceiver,  in  whose  hands  alone,  under  the  law, 
the  power  of  appointing  his  assistants  was  vested.  In 
the  relation  which  the  subordinate  sustains  to  his  super- 
ior it  is  not  in  accordance  with  general  experif  nee  to  find 
the  former  receiving  a  higher  salary  than  the  latter ;  and 


THE  rAI>L  OF  BOSSISM.  157 

especially  has  it  been  the  common  belief,  that  the 
amount  of  compensation  for  services  in  public  as  well  as 
in  private  business  is  proportioned  to  the  degree  of  re- 
sponsibility involved  in  a  given  position.  Nevertheless, 
it  remained  for  the  political  "  leaders  "  of  Philadelphia 
whose  power  in  the  State  Legislature  was  almost  as 
supreme  as  it  was  in  the  City  Councils  to  furnish  a 
strange  and  unaccountable  departure  from  a  universally 
accepted  rule  in  business,  through  what  was  known  as 
the  Delinquent  Tax  Law.  While  this  law  gave  the  Re- 
ceiver the  power  to  appoint  the  Delinquent  Collector  and 
in  other  respects  rendered  him  subordinate  to  the  Re- 
ceiver it  gave  the  former  a  salary,  derived  from  commis- 
sions on  Taxes  he  collected,  which  amounted  to  eighty 
times  the  salary  of  the  Receiver  and  four  times  the  salary 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Looking  into  the 
lawful,  surface  system  of  compensation  between  these  two 
men  we  see  the  subordinate  receiving  a  salary  which  en- 
ables him  to  live  like  a  prince  in  his  own  mansion,  with 
fast  horses  and  other  equipages  of  suddenly  or  easily  ac- 
quired wealth,  while  his  superior,  through  whose  favor  he 
enjoys  these  luxuries,  receives  as  compensation  a  pittance 
which  will  not  only  preclude  any  possibility  of  his  ob- 
taining the  means  by  which  to  purchase  a  house  but  will 
in  reality  prevent  him  from  living  in  any  but  a  frugal  man- 
ner in  an  unpretentious  dwelling  for  which  he  pays  rent. 
Such  is  the  logical  view  of  this  compensation  system 
as  derived  from  the  standpoint  of  the  law's  provisions. 
In  considering  the  glaring  incongruities  mentioned,  the 
question  naturally  arises,  what  could  have  been  the 
motive  in  securing  the  passage  of  such  a  law.  It  is  not 
in  accordance  with  general  experience  to  find  political 


158  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

personages  so  disinterested  and  self-sacrificing  as  to  lend 
their  efforts  to  the  business  of  creating  for  a  single  subor- 
dinate official  an  office  with  emoluments  so  enormous  as 
to  absolutely  carry  it  beyond  the  range  of  comparison 
with  other  public  positions,  even  to  the  most  important 
known  in  the  land,  and  place  it,  in  respect  of  the  profits 
which  a  single  term  will  yield,  not  on  the  plane  of  a 
public  ofiice  but  rather  on  that  of  a  princely  heritage.* 
The  Philadelphia  politicians  who  originated  and  secured 
the  enactment  of  this  law  were  not  noted  either  individu- 
ally or  as  a  class  for  their  readiness  to  further  any  whole- 
sale scheme  for  the  enrichment  of  a  particular  individual, 
from  entirely  disinterested  motives.  Nothing  was  under- 
taken by  them  that  had  not  for  its  prime  object  actual 
financial  profits.  Their  power  in  politics,  in  shaping 
results  in  the  elections,  gave  them  a  prestige  which  no 
party  follower  dared  dispute.  Public  oiBcials  were  their 
creatures  as  certainly  as  though  they  constituted  a  regu- 
lar business  firm  and  those  they  elected  to  oflSce  were 
merely  their  agents  doing  their  work  on  salary  or  on 
commission.  They  originated  laws,  creating  new  offices 
in  some  instances  and  increasing  the  compensation  of 

*"The  office  of  Collector  of  Delinquent  Taxea  is  worth  $200,000  a  year 
to  the  man  who  holds  it,  or  as  much  as  the  President  of  the  United 
States  receives  la  four  years.  The  Tax  Receiver  appoints  tlie  Delinquent 
Collector,  so  the  grand  scramble  now  between  th  'roosters'  of  the 
Kepublican  and  Democratic  parties  is  to  secure  the  whole  of  tliis  big 
prize  fi)r  one  or  the  other,  ana,  failing  in  this,  the  indication  are  that  the 
old  Pilgrim-ring  tactics  will  be  aciopted  of  maliing  a  Chinese  fight 
against  each  other  with  asecret  understanding  that  no  matter  which  one 
is  elected  Receiver  the  profits  of  the  Delinquent  Tax  office  sliall  be 
'pooled,' and  divided  among  those  in  the  'pool.'  *  *  *  if  John 
Hunter  should  exliibit  such  strength  as  to  endanger  the  success  of  the 
Republican  nominee  it  is  rumored  that  the  Republican  'ringsters'  will 
then  turn  in  and  elect  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Receiver,  the  con- 
sideration being,  of  course,  that  they  shall  have  a  share  in  the  'pool.' 
*  *  *  It  is  needless  to  say  that  John  Hunter  is  the  lion  in  the  path  of 
those  who  wish  to  get  control  of  this  big  '  pool.'  "—TaggarVa  Sunday 
Times,  Jan.  23, 1881. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  159 

old  ones  in  others,  and  then  placed  their  own  representa- 
tives in  charge  as  readily  as  if  it  were  a  matter  in  which 
the  people  had  absolutely  no  concern.f 

tForthepastsevenoreight  years  the  control  of  the  Tax  Department 
has  been  entirely  in  the  hands  of  Jamos  Mc:^ranos  and  liis  political  col 
leagues  of  the  Gas  Trust.  The  most  pliant  and  subservient  of  the  family 
members  of  McManeism  were  chosen  for  the  positions  of  Receiver  of 
Taxes  and  Collector  of  Delinquent  Taxes.  Tor  three  years  these  ofBces 
had  been  in  charge  of  two  half  brothers  whose  fortunes  had  been  ad- 
vanced from  humble  beginnings  to  this  stage  through  their  shrewdness 
in  keeping  sight  of  the  main  chance  in  politics  and  in  cultivating  the 
friendship  of  the  political  leaders.  Thomas  J.  Smith,  upon  being  placed 
by  McManesism  in  the  olHce  of  Receiver  of  Taxes,  appointed,  with  the 
approval  of  the  same  political  agency,  his  half  brother  William  J. 
Donohugh  to  be  Collector  of  Delinquent  Taxes.  After  the  term  of 
Eeceiver  Smith  expired  he  was  provided  by  McManesism  with  a  place 
in  the  Gas  Trust,  succeeding  a  superannuated  Trustee  who  stepped  out  to 
give  him  place.  The  ex-Receiver  did  not  need  this  position  of  profit  and 
trust  however  to  sustain  him  comfortably,  as  he  retired  from  the  Tax  Of- 
fice a  very  rich  man,  the  ownerof  aflne  house  on  a  fashionable  street  and 
the  partner  in  a  large  and  flourishing  mercantile  establishment.  Mean- 
time James  McJIanes  and  his  friends  had  placed  his  successor  in  the 
Tax  Office  in  the  person  of  Albert  C.  Roberts.  The  latter,  atthe  instance 
of  McManesand  his  political  co-partners,  continued  the  half  brother 
Donohugh  as  Collector  of  Delinquent  Taxes  and  the  recipient  of  this 
$200,000  annual  compensation.  The  manner  in  which  each  retiring 
official  was  taken  care  of  by  the  political  chief  and  his  friends  is  perhaps 
the  best  commentary  on  the  close  relationship  between  the  Gas  Trust 
and  the  Tax  Department.  If  we  follow  Receiver  Roberta  to  the  end  of 
his  term  we  shall  find  that  he  also  was  taken  up  by  James  McManes 
as  soon  as  he  stepped  out  of  the  Tax  Receivership,  and  transformed  into 
a  Gas  Trustee.  This  change,  of  course,  involved  the  consent  of  the  City 
Councils  which  under  the  law  elected  the  Gas  Trustees,  but  inasmuch  as 
Trustee  McKanes  controlled  the  Councils  at  this  time  as  completely  aa 
he  did  a,ny  other  department  of  the  City  Gorernment,  whatever  he  willed 
was  speedily  performed. 

There  came  a  time  afterward  when  the  sentiment  of  the  people  over 
the  scandalous  mismanagement  of  the  Tax  Department  became  aroused 
and  a  bill  was  drawn  up  by  a  member  of  the  Legislature  who  ac. 
knowledged  no  allegiance  to  McManesism,  Edward  I>aw,  of  the  Eighth 
Philadelphia  District,  providing  for  the  abolition  of  the  oflTice  of  Delin- 
quent Collector.  The  half  brother  Donohugh,  who  had  been  in  the  office 
for  five  or  six  years  and  had  grown  not  only  rich  but  to  a  degree  indepen- 
dent of  popular  sentiment,  had  the  audacity  to  appear  in  the  Legislature 
and  lobby  against  the  bill  which  was  defeated. 


CHAPTEK  XVIIT. 

ISSUES   AND   EXPEDIENTS. 


The  Democrats  will  hold  their  Convention  on  the  27th 
of  the  month.  Already  there  is  much  speculation  over 
the  probable  result.  The  rejection  of  Mayor  Stokley  at 
the  eleventh  hour  by  the  Eeform  Committee  has  intensi- 
fied public  interest  in  an  already  interesting  political 
prospect.  It  has  done  more  also ;  it  has  struck  deep  to 
the  root  of  men's  positive  approval  or  condemnation  ;  has 
stirred  the  public  mind  to  its  depths  and  compelled  the 
recognition,  by  the  humblest  man,  of  a  political  crisis  in 
which  there  can  be  no  neutral  or  indiflferent  position. 
So  much  has  been  said  about  this  Business  Men's  Com- 
mittee that  it  cannot  be  ignored  by  those  whom  it  op- 
poses. Abuse  it  shall  receive  from  its  foes,  praise  from 
its  friends,  and  the  people  shall  be  umpire.  Therein 
does  the  professional  politician  find  cause  for  fear,  inas- 
much as  the  judgment  of  men  cannot  be  manipulated  as 
he  has  been  used  to  manipulating  election  returns,  and  left 
to  itself  is  dangerously  liable  to  be  right. 

Meantime  party  sentiment  among  both  Republican 
and  Democratic  preceptors  has  received  a  shock.  Does 
not  this  action  oif  the  Eeform  Committee  mean  party 
treachery  ?  Republicans  themselves  they  have  cast  off 
the  candidate  of  their  party,  and  furthermore,  they  have 
invited  a  "union  of  all  elements  of  opposition  *  *  * 
irrespective  of  party!"  Democratic  politicians,  who 
might  be  supposed  to  find  cause  for  congratulation  over 
this  defection  in  the  ranks  of  their  rivals,  seem  to  forget 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunity  therefor,  in  their 
(160) 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM,  161 

indignation  against  the  Committee.  Tliis  indignation 
would  seem  unaccountable  were  it  not  for  the  unmis- 
takable evidence  of  a  thorough  understanding  upon  a 
basis  of  financial  profit,  between  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic politicians;*  which  understanding  is  apt  to  be 
rudely  disturbed  if  the  Reformers  succeed  in  establishing 
their  treasonable  doctrine  among  the  peojjle.  That  such 
doctrine  has  already  taken  root  there  is  decided  evidence. 
Democrats  like  Citizen  Ashmead  and  Citizen  Conway 
have  been,  since  Mayor  Stokley  was  rejected,  in  con- 
sultation with  the  Reform  Committee,  and  a  certain 
element  of  young  Democrats,  not  heretofore  known  in 
politics,  have  come  forward  and  are  demanding  of  their 
party  the  nomination  of  Republican  John  Hunter  for 
Receiver  of  Taxes.  In  this  fact  lies  a  new  source  of 
trouble  for  McManesism.  Than  to  make  terms  with  the 
Democratic  "  leaders  "  nothing  could  be  easier  or  less 
unusual ;  but  to  exact  a  guarantee  that  those  leaders  shall 
keep  the  party  members  well  in  hand  is  another  and 
more  diflScult  thing.  Readily  would  they  accomodate 
their  Republican  professional   brethren   if  they  could ;f 


*  "Mr.  Blankenburg  who  has  taken  a  warm  antl  active  part  in  the 
reform  movement  was  asked  t)y  an  Inq\iirrr  reporter  Jast  evening  what 
he  thought  of  the  stand  taken  by  the  DenioiTata.  '  Democratic  and  Re- 
publican rings  have  clasped  hands,'  answered  Mr.  Blankenburg,  and 
are  woriiing  in  delightful  harmony.  The  Democracy  will  place  a  weak 
ticket  iu  the  field  fur  the  purpose  of  aiding  sstoklt-y  who  would  never 
have  dared  to  refuse  to  sign  the  Declaratiorj  of  Principles  of  llie  Com- 
mittee of  the  One  liundred.had  he  not  been  successful  inconsummatiuga 
bargain  wiih  the  Democrats  to  nominate  a  straight  ticket  and  not  coalesce 
with  the  Reform  movement.  Tnere  has  been  a  dicker  lietween  the  Re- 
publican and  Democratic  lingslers,  and  the  contract  has  been  signed, 
sealed  and  part  of  the  goods  delivered  the  balance  to  be  delivered  iu  the 
event  of  Btokley's  election.'  ^'  —Inquirer  January  30, 18sl. 

t "  Having  been  'seen'  by  the  Republican  Managers  for  a  straight 
ticket  they  had  everything  'cut  and  dried'  in  that  direciion  umil  the 
secret  of  the  deal  leaked  out  and  then  ensued  such  an  upheaval  of  the 
workers  as  has  never  belore  been  seen.  *  *  *  Without  any  canvass 
whatever  it  was  evident  on  night  before  last  that  one-half  the  wards 


162  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

but  it  must  be  confessed  there  is  abroad  a  spirit  of  in- 
subordination in  their  OAvn  party  as  well  as  in  the  Re- 
publican party  and  every  day  it  becomes  more  evident 
that  "  party  ties  "  grow  looser  and  less  effective.*  The 
Hunter  fallacy  is  spreading  "  among  all  degrees  and  con- 
ditions of  men,"  and  no  antidote  that  has  yet  been  pre- 
scribed has  been  successful  in  counteracting  its  influence. 
Worse  than  all  it  carries  with  it  another  effect :  belief  in 
Hunter  involves  a  belief  likewise  in  his  utterances  and 
he  has  recently  charged  at  a  meeting  of  the  Councilmanic 
Committee  on  the  investigation  of  the  Gas  Trust  that  the 
Trustees  are  defrauding  the  people  out  of  cue  thousand 
dollars  a  day ;  and  has  furthermore  declared  his  ability  to 
prove  the  charge  provided  he  is  permitted  to  have  the  aid 
of  certain  papers  and  records  of  the  Trust ;  an  accusation 
which  Trustee  McManes  answers  in  certain  Billingsgate 
language,  which  answers  nothing,  coupled  with  the  decla- 
ration that  Councilman  Hunter  cannot  hereafter  have 
access  to  the  office  lecords  of  the  Trust  without  a  written 
order  from  the  Chairman  of  the  Investigating  Committee, 
the  volatile  Bardsley.f     Davis  Page  also  made  an  asser- 

■were  for  John  Hunter  for  Kecelver  of  Taxes.  *  *  *  Notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  a  number  of  wards  have  instructed  thiir  deligates  for 
Hunter  the  bosses,  with  the  machinery  at  their  bacl^s  will  so  twist  and 
interpret  the  rules  that  McGrath  will  have  nearly  two-thirda  of  the 
C!onvention  to-morrow."— Jiuejiinff  Star,  January  26. 

*"The  Democratic  leaders  cry  '  a  straight  ticket!''  the  masses  of  the 
party  are  for  John  Hunter."— liid. 

t"Mr.  McManes  denies  Mr.  Hunter's  allefrations  that  the  City  has  been 
defrauded  of  cue  thousand  dollars  aday  and  suiiplements  his  denial  with 
the  threat  that  Mr.  Hunter  cannot  go  to  the  Trust  Office  any  more  as 
formerly.  This  we  take  it  means  that  the  doors  are  to  be  barred  unless, 
as  was  subspquently  resolved,  Mr.  Bardsley,  who  has  the  reputation  of 
being  the  right  hand  man  of  the  Trustees  gives  him  a  written  permit. 
It  looks  very  much  as  if  Mr.  Hunter  was  probing  the  Trust  to  the  quick. " 
Star  January  25. 

"Mr.  McManes  says  the  statements  of  Mr.  Hunter  are  malicious  lies. 
The  best  backing  Mr.  Hunter  has  is  the  delay  the  Gas  Trust  puts  in  the 
way  of  an  investigation."— jBecord  January  25. 


THE  PALL  OF  BOSSTSM.  163 

tion  in  the  same  meeting  concerning  certain  profitable 
transactions  which  the  Trustees  have  conducted  in  coal 
tar,  the  proceeds  of  which  should  have  gone  into  the 
public  treasury,  but  which  appears  to  have  gone  instead 
into  the  pockets  of  the  Trustees,  the  efifect  of  which  upon 
the  Trust  and  its  apologists  is  conducive  to  the  encour- 
agement of  examples  of  the  lingual  accomplishments  of 
the  fishwoman. 

As  political  issues  among  the  people,  Gas  Trust  mis- 
management and  Tax  Department  mis-management  are 
daily  becoming  stronger  and  more  invincible;  being  issues 
of  grandest  proportions  which  touch  the  Taxpayer's 
pocket.  Other  issues  appeal  to  his  patriotism,  his  manhood, 
his  honesty  and  his  regard  for  justice.  Coercion  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  right  of  the  ballot  is  a  potent  influence  in  send- 
ing him  into  this  fusion,  partyless  movement  of  the  Re- 
formers without  regard  to  the  question  whether  he  or 
they  be  Kepublican  or  Democrat  since  all  things  now  are 
based  on  principles  which  have  for  their  watchword 
" down  with  dishonesty  and  corruption!"  So  rings  out 
now  this  cry,  among  people  of  both  parties,  of  Coalition. 
In  Coalition  alone,  of  all  things  good  for  counteracting 
the  tendencies  toward  evil  in  party,  does  falsehood  find 
its  most  powerful  foe  and  the  public  welfare  its  greatest 
friend.  There  will  you  find  the  nucleus  around  w'hich 
clusters   a  sentiment   which  to  partisan  prejudice  and 

"The  books,  papers,  accounts,  contracts  and  aU  the  records  of  the  Gas 
Trust  should  always  be  open  to  any  member  of  the  City  Councils  and 
especially  should  they  bo  open  to  one  oliicially  instructed  to  <-xamine 
them.  They  are  the  witnesses  wliich  must  decide  wnethcr  Mr.  Iluiiipr  ia 
a  malignant  or  reckless  dofamor  or  whetlier  he  is  iiitelliirentlv  truthful; 
but  when  Mr.  Hunter  slmuicl  bo  mo-taded  to  invi/stiyate  wlictluT  the 
Oas  Trust  isclean  in  its  iiiip(irt;int  ollice.  the  accuser  is  d('ni)unci'<i  as  a 
malicious  falsifier  and  notiii-  is  given  that  he  can  no  longer  examine  the 
affairs  of  the  Trust  unless  siJecially  permitted  to  do  so  by  Mr.  Burdsley." 
—Times  January  25, 


164  THE   FALL  OF   BOSSISM. 

crafty  self-interest  is  rank  poison.  Coalition  springing 
from  the  people  is  the  triumph  of  right  over  wrong,  the 
ringing  declaration  of  honest  men  that  rascality  and 
systematic  dishonesty  shall  not  be  tolerated  in  high 
places  once  they  become  to  the  eyes  of  all  clearly  mani- 
fest. Eascals  alone,  as  Coalitionists,  cannot  be  success- 
ful, for  to  succeed  requires  first_  and  unequivocally  a 
foundation  built  upon  principle;  and  second,  that  quality 
of  earnestness  which  impresses  right-minded  men  as 
being  disinterested  and  founded  upon  conviction ;  two 
requirements  which  the  professional  politician  who  goea 
into  business  to  plunder  the  public  is  scarcely  capable  of 
understanding,  or,  if  he  does  understand,  is  lacking  in 
the  essential  quality  of  honesty  of  motive  which  lack  ia 
sure  to  bring  him  to  grief  in  the  end. 

The  Committee  of  One  Hundred  having  resolved  that 
"should  a  satisfactiory  Coalition  ticket  be  formed  this 
Committee  will  heartily  accept  a  union  of  all  the  elements 
of  opposition  to  the  Republican  ring,  irrespective  of 
party,"  and  having  asked  for  "the  cooperation  of  a  simi- 
lar Committee  of  members  of  the  Democratic  party 
favorable  to  Eeform  with  whom  we  shall  be  glad  to  work 
to  that  end,"  the  first  element  of  the  Democratic  orga- 
nization to  take  the  initiative  in  the  matter  are  those  old 
professional  traders,  who,  through  all  the  reverses  of 
their  party  and  the  triumphs  of  the  Republicans  have 
managed  to  thrive  and  grow  rich  without  any  visible 
occupation.  These  political  worthies  at  once  raise  an 
outcry  against  any  aifiliation  of  their  party  with  Re- 
formers. They  fly  to  the  party  manual  and  read  there- 
from the  party  rules  which  prohibit  the  nomination  for 
a  party  office  by  their  party  Conventions  of  any  one  who 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISil.  165 

is  not  a  member  of  their  party.  So  this  talk  of  having 
the  Democratic  Convention  for  the  nomination  of  a 
Receiver  of  Taxes,  nominate  John  Hunter  they  consider 
the  wildest  folly.  The  man  who  must  be  nominated  for 
Receiver  of  Taxes,  according  to  their  dictum,  is  William 
V.  McGrath,  Democratic  politician,  who  has  been  in  his 
day  City  Treasurer  and  State  Treasurer,  and  whose  eleva- 
tion to  the  oflfice  w'ould  scarcely  be  viewed  in  the  light 
of  a  great  calamity  by  that  Republican  centre  of  despot- 
ism, the  Gas  Trust. 

This  is  the  tone  of  the  friendly  and  philosophic  Demo- 
cratic politicians.  The  Committee  of  One  Hundred 
having  found  this  element  of  the  Democrats  practically 
allied  with  the  Republican  ring  are  forced  to  the  expe- 
dient of  strategy.  They  have  lately  threatened  to  with- 
draw the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hunter  for  Receiver  of 
Taxes  and  allow  the  old  parties  to  settle  the  contest  for 
the  three  city  offices  between  them  while  they  confine 
their  efforts  to  the  election  of  Reformers  to  the  City 
Councils.  Well  do  all  keen  observers  see  that  with  this 
middle,  or  Reform  element  removed  from  the  contest  tor 
the  city  offices  the  Democrats  would  be  largely  out- 
numbered by  their  Republican  opponents  and  those 
offices  would  be  filled  by  the  Republican  candidates. 
The  Executive  Committee  of  the  Reform  Organization 
has  held  a  meeting  and  it  has,  been  given  out  that  a 
resolution  was  passed  "recommending  the  propriety"  of 
such  a  course  to  the  General  Committee.  The  strategy 
works  well.  It  brings  speedy  protest  from  honest  Dem- 
ocrats against  the  withdrawal  of  Councilman  Hunter. 
Everywhere  there  are  si  ens  of  a   revolt  of  Democratic 


166  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

\  party  followers  against  their  party  leaders.*  Democratic 
clubs,  social  and  political,  are  meeting  and  passing 
resolutions  indorsing  Mr.  Hunter's  candidacy.  The 
Young  Men's  Democratic  Association,  with  John  Cad- 
walader.  President,  embracing  what  Republican  and 
Democratic  professional  politicians  sueeringly  term 
"  young  men  of  blue  blood,"  has  already  met  and  put 
forth  its  official  declaration  in  favor  of  Hunter. 
The  Americus  Club,  the  leading  Democratic  organization 
of  the  City,  has  a  good  majority  ia  its  membership 
favorable  to  Hunter.  Nor  is  old  William  Conway  silent. 
His  name  heads  a  list  of  "Democratic  citizens  anxious 
for  good  municipal  government"  who  have  issued  a  call 
to  certain  conservative  Democrats  for  a  meeting  at  the 
rooms  of  the  Board  of  Trade  on  Monday,  January  24th, 
at  12  o'clock  noon  "  for  consultation."! 

And  here,  likewise,  the  universal  demand  of  the  people 
for  the  election  of  Hunter  to  be  Chief  of  the  Tax 
Department  finds  approval.  Citizen  Conway  is  present 
and  Davis  Page,  and  George  M.  Dallas,  and  others  to  the 
number  of  nearly  a,  score,  representing  the  most  honor- 


*"  When  Thomas  J.  Barger  yesterday  morning  was  visited  by  the 
'workers,'  summoned  from  every  section  of  the  City,  to  receive  the  orders 
to  be  carried  out  at  the  primaries,  he  was  assured  by  one  and  all  that  Mr. 
McGrath  could  carry  very  few,  if  any  of  the  689  precincts  in  the  City; 
and  that  the  party  sentiment  was  to  a  very  large  degree  in  favor  of  John 
Hunter.  Precinct  politicians  who  had  always  cried  '  down  coalition  ! ' 
declare  that  they  could  no  longer  keep  the  people  in  the  traces."— Times, 
January  25. 

t"  Late  on  Saturday  last  the  following  invitation  was  sent  to  a  number 
of  prominent  Democrats:  'Dear  sir:— Tlie  undersigned  Democratic 
citizens,  anxious  for  good  municipal  government,  earnestly  request  your 
presence  on  Monday,  January  ■2tth,  at  12  o'clock  noon  at  the  Board  of 
Trade  rooms,  (Mercantile  Library,)  Tenth  Street  above  Chestnut,  for 
consultation.  Very  respectfully,  William  Conway,  J.  B  Baker,  Charles 
A.  Borda,  Arthur  M.  Burton,  John  Samuel.'"— 2'tmes,  Jaa.  25, 


THE  FALL  OF  B0S3ISM.  167 

able  element  of  the  Democracy.*  Of  aggressive  Coun- 
cilmaa  Page,  colleague  of  Mr.  Hunter  in  Common 
Council,  and  also  on  the  Committee  on  the  investigation 
of  the  Gas  Trust,  nothing  need  be  said,  because  we  already 
know  him, — know  on  which  side  his  voice  will  be  raised 
in  praise  and  which  in  condemnation.  Citizen  George 
M.  Dallas  is  somewhat  more  of  a  stranger  to  the  observer 
of  these  stirring  municipal  contests,  being  better  known 
in  State  and  National  conflicts  in  which,  as  a  conservative 
leader  of  opinion,  he  has  long  stood  as  an  acknowledged 
power.  He,  you  will  especially  find,  in  contests  affecting 
the  Judiciary,  being  a  keen-sighted  lawyer,  and  having 
old-fashioned,  reliable  ideas  about  the  selection  of  men 
who  shall  sit  on  the  Supreme  or  the  Lower  Bench.  An 
example,  is  he,  of  that  class  whom  the  political  traffickers 
of  both  parties  are  apt  to  sneer  at  as  being  of  "  blue 
blood ;  "  one  of  his  ancestors,  of  the  same  name,  having 
been  the  Nation's  Vice-President.  Old  William  Conway, 
victim  of  police  partisanship  and  abuse,  is  already  a 
familiar  figure  with  his  bent  form  and  his  snow-white 
hair.  And  there,  too,  is  another  whom  we  know,  a 
youngish,  looking  man,  whose  face,  with  its  reddish 
moustache  and  thoughtful,  observant  eyes  indicate  not 
only  unusual  character  but  cool  and  deliberate  judgment. 
Fitting  it  is  that  Francis  B.  Reeves,  author  of  that 
non-partisan    police   clause  in  the  Commitee    of    One 

*"  Among  those  present  were  Dr.  Edward  Morwitz,  George  M.  Dallas, 
William  Conway,  Arthur  M.  Burton,  John  Samuel,  William  H.  Brown, 
Joseph  B.  Baker,  Charles  A  Burda.  Chttrlf s  Heury  Jones,  S.  Davis  Page, 
Wiliiam  Drayton,  ex-Couucilman  John  TuUy.  ex-Councilmau  Charles 
Durr,  Thomas  S.  Stewart  and  tJ.  Davis  Dullield.  Mr.  Htewart  was 
elected  Chairman  and  Mr.  Brown  Secretary.  Mr.  Conway  said  the 
object  of  the  meeting  was  to  interchange  views  as  to  the  proiier  men  to 
be  nominated  for  Mayor,  City  Solicitor  and  Receiver  of  Taies.  *  »  « 
After  Mr.  Dallas'  resolutions  were  unanimously  carried  tho  meeting 
adjourned  to  meet  on  Friday,  at  iiooa."— Timet,  Jan'y  io. 


168  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

Hundred's  Constitution,  which  clause  has  led  to  the 
rejection  of  Stokley,  should  not  only  be  the  only  Re- 
publican and  member  of  the  Reform  Committee  present 
but  that  he  should  be  here  with  old  William  Conway, 
whose  case,  as  a  sufferer  from  police  persecution  at  the 
polls,  was  the  source  of  the  inspiration  which  led  Mr. 
Reeves  to  originate  a  clause  so  important  to  the  cause  of 
Reform.  Upon  Citizen  Conway's  invitation  is  Mr. 
Reeves  present  to  hear  and  to  be  heard,  provided  he 
cares  to  say  anything.  Stout  Dr.  Morwitz  is  here  too, 
proprietor  and  publisher  of  the  German  Democrat,  and 
likewise  a  conservative  man  who  is  not  found  in  such 
gatherings  usually  save  when  there  is  in  hand  important 
business.  Such  business  they  have  to  transact  to-day  ; 
the  spirit  of  the  hour  being  revealed  when  Citizen  S. 
Davis  Duffield,  conservative  lawyer,  arises  and  makes  a 
speech  in  which  he  condemns  the  party  leaders  for 
refusing  to  hear  the  cry  of  reform  and  cooperate  with 
the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  in  selecting  candidates. 
Citizen  Dallas  next  arises,  not  to  speak  much,  but  to  offer 
a  resolution  which  says  a  good  deal,  representing  that 
"  it  is  for  the  best  interests  of  the  Democratic  party  as 
well  as  of  all  taxpayers  and  citizens  of  Philadelphia  that 
the  evils  prevailing  in  the  administration  of  the  office  of 
Receiver  of  Taxes  should  be  terminated  and  that  the 
best  means  which  can  be  adopted  for  the  defeat  of  those 
now  in  municipal  power  is  the  indorsement  by  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  of  John  Hunter  for  Receiver  of  Taxes ;  " 
which  resolution  passes  by  a  unanimous  vote.  This 
much  and  no  more  they  do  now,  being  cautious  and  wary, 
as  ones  who  know  the  subtle  character  of  those  who  yet 
hold  in  hand  the  destiny  of  their  party,  and  who  must 


THE    FA  1,1.    Ob'    aotHilSM.  169 

be  restrained  in  their  attempt  to  commit  that  party  to 
dishonor  for  a  few  paltry  dollars,  by  quiet,  politic  means 
if  possible;  if  not,  then  by  the  rude  and  indiscrimi- 
nate methods  of  the  stern-willed  people.  If  the 
party  leaders  have  wisdom  they  will  heed  the  warning 
here  given;  if  they  have  only  cunning  and  short-sighted- 
ness they  will  not.  The  party  primaries  will  be  held  to- 
night and  in  the  results  there  achieved  will  be  found  the 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

TROUBLED  DEMOCRATIC  LEADERS. 

The  Democratic  leaders  are  sorely  tried.  The  doctrine 
of  a  "straight  ticket"  seems  to  be  growing  more  un- 
popular hourly  with  their  party  members.  The  prepos- 
session in  favor  of  the  Republican  Councilman  Hunter 
spreads  like  contagion.  Work  as  they  will  to  stem  the 
tide  the  leaders  are  powerless.  Lately  they  have  begun 
to  lose  their  temper  and  to  say  hard  things  against  their 
party  followers,  which  seems  ungrateful ;  and  to  also  de- 
nounce in  vigorous  language  the  Reformers  who  must  be 
blamed  for  the  present  disaffection. 

They  have  done  their  best  to  placate  their  discontented 
followers.  In  star-chamber  council  they  have  met  and 
agreed  upon  a  ticket  which  is  expected  to  win  back  to 
the  party  household  the  dissatisfied  ones.  John  Cad- 
walader,  esteemed  young  lawyer  of  Revolutionary 
ancestry,  shall  be  their  candidate  for  Mayor;  and  Fur- 
man  Sheppard,  eminent  advocate  at  the  bar,  who  in 
times  past  was  elected  by  the  Reformers  Prosecuting 
Attorney,  shall  be  the  Democratic  choice  for  City  Solici- 
tor, while  William  V.  McGrath  must  be,  at  all  hazards, 
the  candidate  for  Receiver  of  Taxes.  Thus  has  the  word 
been  given  to  the  party  members  in  advance  of  the 
holding  of  the  primaries  so  they  shall  know  how  to  elect 
their  delegates  in  a  way  that  shall  suit  their  leaders. 
Yet  the  party  is  woefully  demoralized; — or  at  least 
mutinous  and  revolutionary.  Against  the  selection  of 
Citizen  McGrath  it  protests  fiercely  and  seeing  nothing 
is  to  be  gained  by  protesting,  it  boldly  throws  off   the 


THE   FAT.I.   OP   BOSSISM.  171 

party  shackles  and  emerges  defiant  and  belligerent  as  a 
co-worker  with  Reformers  and  passes  resolutions  in  local 
Ward  organization  in  favor  of  Citizen  Hunter. 

Thus  does  the  fire  of  Revolution  simmer  and  dart  out 
anon  angry  tongues  of  flame,  up  to  the  very  eve  of  the 
primaries;  old  William  Conway's  Board- of-Trade  meeting 
being  an  example  thereof,  and  the  Young  Men's  Demo- 
cratic Association  with  its  resolution  of  indorsement  of 
Hunter,  John  Cadwalader  presiding,  being  another  il- 
lustration. Behold  the  complications  which  this  latest 
act  of  the  leaders  in  taking  up  Citizen  Cadwalader  as 
their  candidate  for  Mayor  involves!  The  leaders,  cry 
"a  straight  ticket!"  and  place  at  the  head  of  such 
ticket  Mr.  Cadwalader  himself,  who  is  lending  his 
influence  not  to  the  formation  of  a  straight  ticket  but  of 
a  ticket  which  shall  satisfy  the  people  and  have  on  it  as 
the  candidate  for  Chief  of  the  Tax  Department  Citizen 
Hunter,  And  in  the  same  attitude  stands  able  advocate 
Sheppard,  who,  like  his  professional  brother,  Cadwalader, 
would  rather  see  his  party  do  right  than  be  the  successful 
candidate  for  any  office.  By  winning  to  their  support 
such  men  do  the  leaders  hope  to  silence  their  turbulent 
followers;  for  Messrs.  Sheppard  and  Cadwalader  are 
influential  and  conservative,  both  representing  untold 
strength  as  friends  but  formidable  opposition  as  foes. 

So  the  leaders  will  placate  them  if  they  can.  How 
the  effort  will  succeed  they  shall  soon  know.  There 
stands  on  the  minute  book  of  the  Young  Men's  Demo- 
cratic Association  that  resolution  of  unanimous  endorse- 
ment of  John  Hunter,  President  Cadwalader  himself 
voting  for  it.  Shrewd  must  the  leaders  be  now  if  they 
win  him  away.     Selectman  King's  name  likewise  is  on 


172  THE  rAT;L  OF  BOSSISM. 

men's  tongues.*  Some,  there  are,  among  Democratic 
leaders,  who  advocate  him  for  Mayor.  Outrageous  I  Do 
not  the  Democratic  leaders  know  that  this  man  in 
Councils  for  twenty  years  has  been  "  the  people's  man ;  " 
has  sternly  thrust  aside  partisanship  and  acted,  not  as  a 
Democrat,  not  as  a  Republican,  but  as  a  public  servant 
faithful  to  the  interests  of  his  masters? 

The  Gas  Trust  and  McManesism  generally  must  needs 
speak  hurried  words  of  protest  to  their  Democratic  allies 
against  this  latest  name.  Fully  as  bad  for  their  interests 
would  be  the  election  of  Selectman  King  to  the  Mayor- 
alty as  the  election  of  Citizen  Hunter  to  the  Receivership 
of  Taxes!  both  having  waged  fierce  warfare  against 
McManesism  in  Councils,  one  of  the  results  of  which  is 
the  present  investigation  of  the  Gas  Trust.  Unlucky 
are  these  two  names  for  McManesism  ;  if  party  methods 
or  party  machinery  in  either  party  afford  a  means  for 
counteracting  a  movement  that  will  advance  the  political 
powers  of  these  men  there  is  no  time  to  be  lost  in 
searching  it  out. 

In  the  meanwhile  with  Hunter  and  the  turbulent 
Democracy  and  their  primaries  how  fares  it?  The  Con- 
ventions are  only  two  days  off.  The  list  of  delegates 
thereto  the  wise  Democratic  leaders  withold  from  the 
public  though  journalistic  emissaries  have  made  repeated 
efforts  to  get  them.  The  crisis  is  too  grave  to  run  any 
risk.     The  leaders  hope  there  have  been  delegates  enough 


*"  The  James  Page  Library  Company  which  claims  to  be  the  oldest 
Democratic  Society  in  the  state  and  is  composed  of  the  best  class  of 
citizens,  held  a  special  meetincr  last  night.  William  P.  Fodell,  the 
Hecreiary.  offered  a  resohuion  suggesting  the  names  of  Samuel  G.  King 
to  the  Democratic  Convontjon  as  a  suitable  candidate  for  Mayor  and 
John  Hunter  for  Receiver  of  Taxes.  The  resolution  was  unanimously 
adopted."— I^mea  January  26, 1881. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  173 

elected  to  the  Convention  to  nominate  a  Receiver  of 
Taxes  to  insure  the  nomination  of  McGrath.  Yet  they 
are  doubtful.  Such  independence  among  Democrats 
they  never  before  experienceed.  Stories  of  Democratic 
defiance  of  their  leader's  expressed  wishes  are  numerous  ; 
the  Hunter  doctrine  seems  to  have  turned  their  heads. 
They  even  spoke  lightly  in  many  cases  of  the  name  of 
McGrath.  More  than  this,  solicitors  of  votes  for  McGrath 
delegates  were  in  some  cases  insulted  and  threatened 
with  arrest.  Serious  does  this  result  of  the  primaries 
look  to  the  Democratic  leaders  as  well  as  to  a  disinter- 
ested public.     Serious  too  does  it  look  to  McManesism. 

Though  without  access  to  the  lists  the  public  never- 
theless hears  enough  to  draw  some  plausible  inferences. 
Industrious  journalistic  investigators  have  been  doing 
some  figure  work.  They  have  been  analyzing  the  situa- 
tion as  they  have  been  able  to  learn  about  it  in  the  various 
wards.  One,  after  a  careful  inquiry,  is  able  to  state  that 
Hunter  has  seventeen  more  delegates  than  McGrath  and 
ir5  therefore  certain,  unless  the  delegates  be  bought*  away 
from  him,  to  receive  the  nomination.  And  this  investi- 
gator further  goes  on  to  say  that  "  the  instructions  given 
to  the  workers  on  Monday  night  that  Hunter  must  be 
defeated  at  the  primaries  could  not  be  carried  out  for 
there  was  encountered  an  unexpectedly  strong  feeling  in 
favor  of  the  Reformer's  candidate." 


*'Allhoiigli  *  •  Mr.  Knnterhns  aclearmajority  of  the  Convention  and 
it  is  undoubtedly  true  that,  the  mass  of  the  iJeoiocratic  party  is  enthu- 
siastic in  his  support,  the  leaders  yesterday  blandly  announced  that  he 
would  not  have  a  dozen  votes  in  the  Convention  significantly  adding 
'today  is  not  Thursday,'  which  remark  was  supplemented  by  that  of  a 
well-known  Democrat  who  once  aspired  to  Congressional  honors  :  '  Why 
the  majorltv  of  those  delegates  could  be  bought  in  a  lump  for  $2,500.'  '  — 
I^ess,  Jan.  26, 18S1, 


174  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

So  that  feeling  continues  to  develop,  witli  leaders  and 
bosses  wildly  throwing  out  their  arms  in  a  mad  endeavor 
to  check  it,  but  with  such  sorry  result  that  they  must 
continually  be  running  hither  and  thither,  stumbling 
over  each  other  in  dark  places  like  men  panic-stricken. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE   DEMOCRATIC   CONVENTIONS. 

To  the  Conventions  as  the  cardinal  point  about  which 
the  destiny  of  the  city  revolves,  dependent  on  the  might 
of  individuals  sent  there  by  various  conflicting  elements, 
each  set  to  endeavor  to  make  its  assemblage  of  delegates 
do  a  particular  thing,  all  men's  thoughts  tend.  The  city 
is  all  in  a  state  of  ferment,  the  pent  up  excitement  of 
days  finding  itself  near  the  venting  point,  the  signal  for 
the  outflow  to  be  found  in  the  result  of  the  Tax  Receiver's 
Convention.  Meantime  there  have  been  several  exciting 
incidents  to  still  further  agitate  the  flood  of  human  feel- 
ing within  the  past  four  and  twenty  hours.  First,  a 
letter  from  Citizen  Sheppard  declining  to  be  a  candidate 
for  City  Solicitor ;  then  a  similar  letter  from  John  R. 
Read,  who  was  taken  up  by  the  party  leaders  in  citizen 
Sheppard's  place,  likewise  declining ;  and  third,  a  letter 
from  citizen  John  Cadwalader  declining  to  be  a  candi- 
date for  Mayor;  and  last,  a  letter  from  Citizen  Isaac  J. 
Wistar,  declining  the  honor  of  the  Temporary  Chairman- 
ship of  the  Mayoralty  Convention,  since  Citizen  Cadwal- 
ader is  no  longer  a  candidate.  Citizen  McGrath  alone  is 
left,  of  all  the  candidates  originally  agreed  upon,  as  the 
candidate  of  the  leaders  for  Tax  Receiver.  But  how  the 
plans  of  those  leaders  have  altered !  Where  they,  after  care- 
ful, patient  work  against  tremendous  disadvantages,  had 
succeeded  in  bringing  out  of  almost  inextricable  con- 
fusion some  patch-work  plans,  to  be  laid  with  careful 
hands  before  the  Conventions,  the  rotten  texture  parts 
and  all  is  chaos  again. 

(175) 


176  THK   FALTi   OF   BOSSISM. 

But  the  hour  for  the  meeting  of  the  Conventions  in 
their  respective  places  is  ten  o'clock,  and  what  work  has 
been  done  by  the  leaders  to  restore  something  like  order 
out  of  indescribable  confusion  has  been  done  in  the 
night  and  in  the  early  morning  hours.  Long  before  the 
arrival  of  the  first  delegate  the  massive  Assembly  build- 
ing on  Tenth  street  below  Chestnut,  where  the  Convention 
to  nominate  a  Receiver  of  Taxe3,  will  be  held,  becomes 
about  its  base,  a  rallying  point  for  the  people.  Sidewalks 
are  thronged;  the  mass  even  bursts  over  and  encroaches 
on  the  street,  blocking  cars  and  vehicles  which  require  a 
squad  of  police  before  the  way  can  be  opened  again. 
Delegates,  as  they  pass  in  and  up  the  broad  stairway, 
guarded  by  policemen,  are  hailed  by  the  motley  assem- 
blage ;  some  in  a  spirit  of  encouragement,  or  banter,  others 
in  a  spirit  of  denunciation.  All  are  promptly  in  their 
places,  and  journalists  call  it  a  "respectable-looking 
gathering."  Bland  Thomas  May  Peirce,  fresh  from 
"Peirce's  Business  College,"  and  mock  auctions  and 
intricate  mathematical  calculations — flying  to  politics  as 
a  pleasing  diversion  from  too  much  figure- work — shall 
call  the  Convention  to  order,  by  virtue  of  his  appointment 
by  the  City  Executive  Committe  as  Temporary  Chairman' 

Chairman  Peirce  loses  little  time  in  a  preliminary 
harangue;  he  has  had  too  much  experience  for  that.  He 
appoints  his  secretaries,  tellers  and  doorkeepers,  and 
directs  them  to  take  their  places.  This  done,  the  roll  call 
follows  and  delegates  come  forward  as  their  respective 
wards  are  called  and  lay  upon  the  Secretaries'  tables  their 
credentials. 

So  far  everything  has  progressed  smoothly.  The 
keenest  observer  would  fail  to  detect  on  the  surface  of 


The  fall  of  bosstsm.  177 

this  placid,  quiet  looking  gathering  the  fierce  antagonisms 
that  are  raging  beneath.  What  delegates  are  here  for 
McGrath  and  a  "straight"  ticket  and  what  ones  for 
Hunter  and  coalition  is  a  question  which  surface  indica- 
tions have  not  yet  revealed. 

Til  us  have  Convention  proceedings  been  so  far.  Yet— 
hear!  What  are  those  words  the  bland  and  pleasant- 
looking  Chairman  Peirce  is  now  speaking?  "  The  Con- 
vention will  proceed  to  the  election  of  a  permanent 
Chairman  I" 

A  signal,  quick  as  a  lightning  flash,  is  this  for  the 
mask  of  peace  and  quiet  to  be  thrown  aside.  Now  shall 
it  be  known  who  is  the  mightier  in  this  Convention! — 
Hunter,  the  Republican  Reformer,  or  McGrath,  the 
"straight"  Democratic  candidate.  Each  side  has  its 
favorite  for  the  important  office  of  Permanent  Chairman, 
in  the  election  of  which  will  the  result  of  the  Convention's 
work  be  clearly  foreshadowed.  Involuntarily  do  the 
Hunter  men  turn  to  each  other  as  a  McGrath  man  springs  to 
his  feet  and  nominates  for  Permanent  Chairman,  Samuel 
G.  Thompson,  member  of  the  bar,  and  son  of  a  former 
eminent  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  who  comes 
as  a  delegate  from  the  Seventh  Ward.  Almost  instanta- 
neously does  a  Hunter  man  arise  and  nominate  Citizen 
George  Bull,  also  a  member  of  the  bar  and  a  near  Ward 
neighbor  of  John  Hunter  in  West  Philadelphia,  hailing 
from  the  Twenty-Seventh  Ward.  Delegates  Joseph  F. 
"Wall  and  Thomas  Carlin  are  likewise  nominated  by 
enthusiastic  brother  delegates  .biL't  they  withdraw  and 
leave  the  contest  between  Citizen  Thompson  and  Citizen 
Bull. 

Breathless  is  the  suspense  as  the  names   of   delegates 


178  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

are  called  and  their  votes  recorded.  Nervous  do  tlie 
leaders  of  both  sides  appear  when  the  monotonous  voices 
of  the  Secretaries  ring  out  as  they  slowly  go  over  the  list. 
When  the  last  name  is  reached  there  is  a  buzz  of  excite" 
ment  and  an  involuntary  crowding  together  of  heads  by 
impromj^tu  tally-keepers  in  order  to  compare  records. 
There  is  scarce  time  to  satisfy  them  on  this  point  before 
the  temporary  Chairman's  gavel  again  raps  for  silence. 
The  Secretaries  have  completed  their  work.  For  Citizen 
Thompson  there  are  eighty-four  votes  ;  for  Citizen  Bull 
sixty-six, 

A  cheer,  loud  and  tumultuous,  bursts  forth  from  the 
McGrath  men.  The  suspense  is  ended  and  they  have 
won.  Citizen  Thompson,  smiling  and  bowing  is  escorted 
to  the  Chair  amid  enthusiasm  by  a  special  Committee. 

Citizen  Thompson,  tall  and  majestic  looking,  having 
been  introduced  by  Temporary  Chairman  Peirce,  there  is 
occasion  for  more  applause  which,  having  presently  sub- 
sided, the  Convention  on  motion  of  a  delegate  accords 
the  retiring  Chairman  the  honor  of  a  seat  on  the  platform; 
which  the  bland  and  experienced  Citizen  Peirce  acknowl- 
edges with  a  bow  as  he  composedly  steps  down  and  makes 
himself  comfortable  near  the  Secretaries  tables  on  the 
platform  steps,  being  not  fastidious  as  to  the  literal 
rendering  of  the  honor. 

The  new  Chairman  being  expected  to  adhere  to  custom 
and  make  a  speech,  does  so  briefly  ;*   tells  the  delegates 

*"  After  thanking  the  convention  Mr.  ThoiTipson  said:  "We  liave 
come  here  to-day  to  nominate  a  candidate  for  one  of  tlie  most  important 
oitices  in  the  gift  of  the  people.  That  oliice  lias  been  so  administered 
that  it  is  surrounded  with  suspicion.  That  suspicion  snould  lie  dissipated 
by  the  selection  of  a  man  for  Receiver  of  Taxes  who  is  known  to  be  pure 
and  upright.  We  should  nominate  such  a  man  and  then  if  defeat  cornea 
we  shall  know  that  we  have  done  our  full  duty  and  the  fault  will  uot  be 
ours.'  "—Kmes,  Jan.  28, 1881. 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  179 

that  the  object  which  has  called  them  together  is  an 
important  one;  that  their  nominee  for  Receiver  of  Taxes 
should  be  one  who  is  known  to  be  pure  and  upright, 
whereat  the  Hunter  men  join  with  the  McGrath  men  in 
cheers.  Having  completed  his  speech  Chairman  Thomp- 
son announces  with  official  air  that  the  first  thing  in 
order  is  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  of  seven  on 
Resolutions.  Delegate  Richard  Vaux  of  the  Eighth  Ward 
is  a  notable  figure  as  he  arises  to  move  that  such  Com- 
mittee be  appointed.  He,  of  all  the  one  hundred  and 
fifty  delegates  present  would  attract  the  interest  and 
curiosity  of  the  stranger.  With  lion  head  clothed  with 
heavy  masses  of  silver  hair,  which  in  younger  years 
was  chestnut  brown  and  with  bushy  whiskers  of 
the  same  color  and  luxuriant  growth,  he  looms  up 
in  the  Convention  like  a  restless  lion  among  drowsy 
mates.  The  long  silver  hair,  falling  over  fore-head 
and  shoulders  like  a  shaggy  mane,  shakes  defiantly  as  he 
stands  there,  the  eyes  of  all  upon  him.  His  black  broad- 
cloth dress  surmounted  by  old  fashioned  standing  collar 
and  black  silk  stock  proclaim  him  of  that  class  of  gentle- 
men which  in  later  days  has  been  termed  "of  the  olden 
school."  A  life  long  Democrat  has  Citizen  Vaux  been; 
a  Jeffersonian  and  Jacksonian  Djinocrat  who  would  part 
with  his  life  rather  than  with  his  right  to  the  claim  of 
being  a  Jacksonian  Democrat.  Pleasant  memories  has 
he  of  Jacksonian  power  and  prestige,"having  been  in 
younger  days  an  attache  to  the  American  Lcgatioa  at  the 
Court  of  St.  James  and  being  reputed  as  the  only  Ameri- 
can who  ever  danced  with  the  Queen.  Power  and  prestige 
has  he  enjoyed  of  late  years  in  his  native  city,  also 
having  filled  for  a  term  the  office  of  Mayor.   One  of  the 


180  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

most  influential  of  the  party  leaders  in  City  and  State, 
Citizen  Vaux  is  here  to-day  in  the  interest  of  his  old 
friend  Citizen  McGrath  and  a  "  straight "  ticket. 

Delegate  Vaux,  having  made  his  motion,  the  Chairman 
is  about  stating  it  to  the  Convention,  when  the  watchful 
Hunter  men  see  their  opportunity  to  be  heard  and  Dele- 
gate William  Henry  Jones,  lawyer,  is  their  spokesman. 
lAmiddt  wild  confusion  Delegate  Jones  arises; — cries  and 
yells  of  disapprobation  from  the  McGrath  men ;  Cheers 
from  the  friends  of  Hunter!  Vigorous  rapping  with 
Chairman  Thompson's  gavel  finally  restores  a  fair  degree 
of  order,  when  he  proceeds  to  read  a  preamble  and  reso- 
lution: "  Whereas,  Mr.  John  Hunter,  the  nominee  of 
th3  Eeform  Association  of  Philadelphia  for  Receiver  of 
Taxes,  Las  by  his  labors  in  behalf  of  the  Taxpayers 
commended  himself  to  our  citizens  without  distinction 
of  party;  therefore,  Resolved,  That  this  Convention  deem 
it  inexpedient  to  place  in  nomination  a  candidate  for  the 
position  of  Receiver  of  Taxes  and  recommend  the  Demo- 
cratic voters  of  Philadelphia  to  cast  their  votes  for  John 
Hunter  at  the  coming  election." 

Now  Bedlam  seems  to  be  breaking  loose;  groans,  hisses 
and  yells  of  indignation  from  the  friends  of  a  "  straight " 
ticket,  and  wild,  tumultuous  cheers  from  the  friends  of 
"  Hunter  and  Reform."  While  the  disorder  is  at  its 
height  and  the  entire  Convention  seems  to  be  on  its  feet 
swinging  arms  and  writhing  in  a  paroxysm  of  excite- 
ment, the  lion  voice  of  Citizen  Vaux  is  heard  and  the 
lion  head  is  seen  to  be  shaking  its  mane,  the  eyes  flashing 
with  rage  and  impatience  as  the  McGrath  leader  raps 
fiercely  on  the  back  of  his  seat  for  order.  That  powerful 
voice  is  enough  and  at  once   the  tumult  is  stilled,  dele- 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  181 

gates  sinking  into  their  seats  with  eyes  rivited  on  a  certain 
roll  of  foolscap  which  Citizen  Vaux  holds  in  one  of  his 
hands.  With  elegant  diction  and  abundant  dramatic 
gestures  does  the  Democratic  leader  read  stirring  reso- 
lutions the  tenor  of  which  is  that  the  people  demand  a 
Keform  in  the  Tax  Department  and  that  the  Democratic 
party  recognizing  that  demand  shall  require  the  candi- 
date nominated  by  the  Convention  to  pledge  himself  in 
the  most  unequivocal  manner  "to  carry  out  the  most 
radical  reforms  in  said  office  and  to  remove  the  abuses, 
extortion  and  corruption  asserted  now  to  exist  in  that 
Department  of  our  City  Government." 

Citizen  Yaux  sits  down  amidst  cheers  from  enthusiastic 
supporters  of  McGrath.  The  Chairman,  proceeding  to 
carry  out  the  previous  motion,  appoints,  as  the  Committee 
to  receive  and  pass  upon  resolutions,  Richard  Vaux, 
W.  T.  Ladner,  Joseph  F.  Wall,  George  W.  Thompson, 
Dr.  C.  E.  Kamerly,  J.  P.  McFadden  and  William  Henry 
Jones.  The  Committee  at  once  goes  through  the  form  of 
retiring  to  consider  the  resolutions  but  returns  almost 
immediately,  Mr.  Vaux  handing  up  to  the  Secretaries 
his  resolutions,  just  read,  as  the  ones  reported  by  a 
majority  of  the  Committee  to  the  Convention  for  adoption, 
while  Citizen  Jones  submits  his  resolution  as  a  minority 
report. 

Citizen  Vaux's  resolutions  at  once  pass  the  Con- 
vention without  opposition.  Aggressive  Dr.  Kamerly 
moves  that  Citizen  Jones'  resolution  be  laid  on  the  table. 
Now  confusion  again  appears.  The  Hunter  delegates 
spring  up  as  by  magic,  gesticulating  and  protesting  while 
the  McGrath  delegates  seek  to  cry  them  down.  The 
Chair  tired  of  pounding  with  the  gavel  toys  with  it  '^ 


1S2  THE   FALL   OF  BOSSISM. 

moment  and  contemplates  the  turbulent  scene.  Then, 
with  impartiality,  recognizes  Citizen  George  Bull,  leader 
of  the  Hunter  delegates.  Mr.  Bull  trusts  Citizen  Jones' 
resolution  will  not  be  laid  on  the  table.  (Cheers  and 
shouts  from  the  Hunter  delegates.)  "We  have  been 
over- ridden  by  rings  long  enough"  shouts  Citizen  Bull. 
"  The  Democratic  party  is  in  favor  of  Reform,  and  the 
best  way,  the  only  way  to  effect  Reform  is  to  indorse  the 
nomination  of  John  Hunter,  a  man  who  has  proved 
faithful  to  every  trust." 

Citizen  Bull  gets  no  farther,  for  at  this  point  there  is 
a  sudden  interruption,  and  Delegate  Soper,  a  lank  man 
of  excitable  temperament  is  seen  standing  up  on  one  of 
the  rear  seats,  gesticulating  frantically  and  shrieking  in 
a  voice  by  no  means  agreeable.  He  "  rises  to  a  point  of 
order; "  the  Convention  "is  not  assembled  to  discuss  the 
merits  of  John  Hunter."  Nevertheless  the  Chair  rules 
that  the  "  point"  is  not  well  taken,  which  ruling  is  much 
easier  to  announce  than  is  the  effort  to  induce  Delegate 
Soper  to  sit  down.  Citizen  Bull,  tired  of  frequent  in- 
terruption, finally  takes  his  seat  with  an  unfinished 
speech  burdening  hxs  brain. 

No  sooner  is  he  seated  than  the  commanding  form  of 
Citizen  Vaux  is  seen  to  arise  and  the  aggressive  Jack- 
sonian  leader  makes  his  way  forward  to  a  point  near  the 
Secretaries'  table,  where  he  turns  and  faces  the  Conven- 
tion. His  face  is  stern,  his  eyes  flash  with  unusual  fire. 
"One  of  the  first  principles  of  Democracy  is  free  speech," 
he  thunders  ;  "  every  delegate  should  have  a  full  chance 
to  be  heard.  Let  there  be  the  fullest  discussion.  Tiien 
vote  as  your  good  sense  and  consciences  dictate." 

Wild  cheers  greet  this  rebuke  from  the  McGrath  cham- 


THE   FALL   OP   BOSSLIT.f.  183 

pion.  The  Chairman,  sharing  the  lion-like  Vaux's  views, 
announces,  as  the  noise  subsides,  that  every  delegate  who 
has  anything  to  say  shall  have  an  opportunity  to  be  heard. 
Citizen  Vaux's  speech  has  a  good  effect.  It  silences 
those  who  would  shout  down  the  Hunter  men,  and  en- 
courages those  of  the  latter  who  have  anything  to  say  to 
take  the  floor.  Citizen  John  Grim,  next  in  leadership 
among  the  Hunter  delegates,  to  Citizen  Bull,  and  being 
also  of  the  same  Ward  as  Councilman  Hunter,  claims  the 
attention  of  the  delegates  for  a  moment  to  make  an  eloquent 
plea  for  Hunter.  "  I  was  born  a  Democrat,"  shouts  Citizen 
Grim.  "  I  love  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party  and 
for  that  reason  I  second  the  remarks  of  Mr.  Bull.  (Great 
applause  from  the  Hunter  men.)  I  and  my  Democratic 
neighbors  in  the  Twenty-fourth  Ward  elected  John 
Hunter  to  Councils  and  we  have  never  been  ashamed  of 
our  work.  It  is  said  he  is  not  a  Democrat.  Nevertheless 
he  has  always  worked  and  voted  with  the  Democrats 
against  the  ring."  (Kenewed  applause  from  the  Hunter 
delegates.) 

Citizen  Vaux,  shrewd  and  politic  as  well  as  daring  and 
audacious,  agrees  with  the  remarks  of  Citizen  Grim; 
pays  a  flattering  tribute  to  Councilman  Hunter  but 
is  not  prepared  to  admit  that  there  are  not  men  in  the 
Democratic  party  equal  to  him  in  ability  and  integrity. 

Blunt  Dr.  Kamerly,  zealous  for  the  cause  of  McGrath, 
assails  Delegate  Jones'  resolution.  The  resolutions  ^have 
no  right  in  the  Convention.  "  We  arc  here  to  nominate 
a  Democrat  not  to  indorse  a  Reformer.  We  don't  want 
a  Reformer  to  Reform  u-;,  we  can  Reform  ourselves." 

Delegate  Henry  A.  Gildea,  fellow-delegate  with  John 
Grim,  from  Councilman  Hunter's  Ward,  reminds  the 
7 


184  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

Convention  that  the  question  at  issue  is  the  breaking  up 
of  the  Republican  ring.  Here  is  the  Democrats'  oppor- 
tunity. With  John  Hunter  they  can  annihilate  Repub- 
lican Bossism  and  corruption  because  Hunter  possesses 
the  confidence  of  the  entire  community.  Ringing 
speeches  in  favor  of  Hunter  are  also  heard  from  Delegates 
M.  F.  Wilhere,  Michael  O'Rourke,  John  B.  Geisz,  Wil- 
liam Lynch  and  Albert  Lawrence. 

The  speech-making  is  scarcely  ended  before  a  new 
cause  for  excitement  appears.  There  is  a  sudden  stir  at 
one  of  the  doors  and  a  door-keeper  comes  forward  hastily 
with  a  written  message  which  he  hands  to  Citizen  Grim. 
The  Convention  at  once  relapses  into  quiet  and  holds  its 
breath;  realizing  intuitively  that  the  message  conveys 
matter  of  importance.  Delegates  crowd  around  Citizen 
Grim  who  waves  them  off  and  mounts  a  bench  holding 
the  message  aloft  in  his  hand. 

"Fellow-delegates,"  he  shout*",  "I  have  just  received 
word  that  the  Mayor's  Convention  has  unanimously 
nominated  Samuel  G.  King,  notwithstanding  a  letter 
from  Mr.  King  saying  he  would  not  be  a  candidate  unless 
Mr.  Hunter  was  on  the  ticket  with  him  for  Receiver  of 
Taxes." 

Inspiring  news !  Indescribable  is  the  scene  now  J 
Hunter  delegates  mounting  benches,  waving  arms,  hats' 
anything, — cheering  until  the  massive  walls  seem  to 
crack.  Weak,  uncertain  McGrath  delegates  seem  for  the 
moment  to  be  carried  away;  to  be  moved  by  the  popular 
tide.  But  Citizen  Vaux  has  them  well  in  hand;  not  new 
to  him  are  such  scenes,  no  novice  is  he  in  leading  men 
through  such  a  crisis.  Well  does  he  know  that  when 
this  thunder-storm  of  enthusiasm  passes  away  and  the 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  185 

Hunter  delegates  get  control  of  themselves  there  will  be 
a  calm  again.  Judicious  practical  action  is  all  that  is 
needed  to  save  the  day.  The  party  rules  are  ample  and 
convenient.  So  Citizen  Vaux  allows  the  friends  of  the 
Reform  Councilman  to  shriek  themselves  hoarse,  and 
cautions  with  impatient  gestures  and  motion  of  the  head 
those  among  his  followers  whose  eyes  he  can  catch,  to  be 
quiet  and  abide  their  time. 

The  storm  ends  finally  and  the  Hunter  men  still 
panting  with  excitement  resume  their  seats.  The  time 
for  the  McGrath  men  to  act  is  now  at  hand.  Cold  and 
passionless  Dr.  Kamerly  arises  as  if  all  oblivious  of 
storms  and  human  tumults,  and  demands  a  vote  on  bis 
motion  to  lay  Delegata  Jones'  resolution  on  the  table. 
The  motion  is  put  to  a  vote  and  carried,  eighty-two 
McGrath  men  voting  for  it  and  sixty-six  Hunter  men 
against  it. 

Though  again  defeated  on  a  test  vote  the  Hunter  men 
are  fertile  in  resources  and  they  have  courage  and  pluck. 
Delegate  Albert  Lawrence  moves  that  the  Convention 
adjourn  until  three  o'clock.  "  Let  the  delegates  go  out 
and  meet  their  constituents,"  shouts  Delegate  Lawrence 
impetuously,  ''  and  they  v/ill  come  back  and  indorse  John 
Hunter."  Delegate  Geisz,  likewise  zealous  for  John 
Hunter,  amends  the  motion  by  prolonging  the  time  of 
re-assembling  until  ten  o'clock  next  day. 

For  the  third  time  defeated  on  a  direct  vote  the  Hunter 
men  still  strive  to  prevent  the  Convention  from  nomi- 
nating Citizen  McGrath.  Delegate  Bull  moves  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  Committee  of  Five  to  proceed  to  the 
Mayor's  Convention  and  secure  the  letter  of  the  sterling 
Councilman  King.    The  Chair  rules  his  motion  out  of 


186  THE  FALL   OF  BOSSISM. 

order.  Delegate  Bull  tlien  asks  for  time.  He  and  Ms 
friends  came  there  instructed  by  their  constitutents  to 
vote  for  the  indorsement  of  Councilman  Hunter.  They 
would  be  thankful  to  the  Convention  if  it  would  allow 
them  twenty  minutes  for  consultation. 

No  !  The  Chair  declares  that  nothing  is  now  in  order 
but  the  nomination  of  candidates.  Now  is  Citizen 
Vaux's  opportunity.  Experienced,  sly  old  man,  not  un- 
deserved does  he  wear  the  title  of  "  leader."  He  takes 
the  floor  which  is  the  signal  for  silence  on  the  part  of  all. 
No  one  can  say,  Citizen  Vaux  premises,  that  the  Chair 
has  nDt  presided  fairly  over  the  Convention  ;  nor  can  any 
one  say  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Hunter  have  not  had  the 
fullest  opportunity  to  be  heard.  It  is  now  in  order  to 
put  in  nomination  a  candidate  for  Receiver  of  Taxes. 
If  the  party  were  to  go  outside  its  ranks  to  nominate  a 
Receiver  it  would  violate  its  principles.  Under  the 
American  system  of  government  there  must  be  two 
parties.  The  Goverment  could  not  be  maintained  without 
two  parties.  Attempts  to  form  third  parties  have  always 
failed  and  always  will  fail.  "  We  are  not,"  says  Citizen 
Vaux,  "called  upon  as  citizens  to  nominate  a  citizen  but 
as  Democrats  to  do  a  duty  to  the  Democratic  party.'' 
Citizen  Vaux  then,  with  an  elegant  peroration  in  which, 
he  pays  a  high  tribute  to  the  man  whose  name  he  is 
about  to  present,  nominates  amidst  the  cheers  of  his 
followers  William  V.  McGrath.  To  old  Dr.  Kamerly 
shall  the  honor  belong  of  seconding  the  nomination 
which  he  does  in  his  brief  practical  way. 

Under  the  party  rules  the  friends  of  Councilman 
Hunter  were  prevented  Irom  placing  their  candidate 
before  the  Convention,  he  not  being  a  member  of  the 


THE  FALL  OF  B09SISM.  187 

Democratic  party.  Delegate  N.  V.  B.  Stafford  presents 
the  name,  merely  as  an  honorary  act,  of  Citizen  B.  K. 
Jamison,  Conservative  Democrat  and  prominent  banker. 

As  the  vote  is  being  taken  and  the  Secretaries  reach 
the  name  of  Delegate  Josiah  Abrahams,  who  is  the  first 
Hunter  delegate  on  the  list,  Citizen  Abrahams  arises  and 
electrifies  his  associates  by  announcing  that  "  under  the 
instructions  of  my  cont'tituents  to  vote  for  the  indorse- 
ment of  John  Hunter  I  decline  to  vote."  Fifty-seven 
other  Hunter  delegates  including  Delegates  Bull  and 
Grim,  take  the  same  course.  Eight  of  tlieir  number 
desert  them  and  vote  for  Citizen  McGrath  who  is  declared 
to  be  the  Convention's  nominee  amidst  cheers  and  con- 
fusion which  fairly  rival  pandemonium.  The  Chair 
appoints  a  committee  of  seven  headed  by  Citizens  Vaux 
and  Kamerly,  to  notify  Citizen  McGrath  of  his  nomina- 
tion and  declares  the  Convention  adjourned. 

Not  yet,  however,  are  the  Hunter  men  adjourned. 
Fifty-six  delegates  at  once,  as  the  McGrath  men  pass  out 
of  the  hall,  gather  around  their  leaders,  Delegates  Bull 
and  Grim.  They  will  not  abide  by  the  result  of  this 
day's  work;  they  have  a  duty  to  perform  yet  to  their 
constituents,  who  are  Democrats  a«  honorable  and  true 
as  any  that  ever  bore  the  name.  Yet  they  do  not  wish  to 
have  Citizen  McGrath  as  their  candidate  ;  they  say  he  has 
held  office  often  enough  and  that  besides  he  is  too  friendly 
with  those  who  constitute  the  Democratic  and  Republi- 
can "ring."  The  man  whom  they  desire  at  the  head  of 
the  Tax  Department  is  Citizen  Hunter,  a  man  who  has 
never  sought  office,  who  is  not  a  politician  but  an  honorable 
business  man  whose  care  for  the  interests  of  the  people 
in  the  City  Councils  prove  him  to  be  one  wlio  will  zeal- 
ously seek  to  check  extravagance  and  reform  public  abuses. 


188  Tnr,  fall  of  bossism. 

The  Hunter  delegates  will  heed  the  voice  of  their  con- 
stiluents  notwithstiinding  the  thing  that  has  been  done. 
Tliey  will  organize  at  once  a  Convention  of  their  own, 
which  shall  not  be  cramped  and  hindered  by  convenient 
party  rules,  and  place  in  nomination  Citizen  Hunter,  and 
go  forth  among  the  Democratic  people,  who  are  not  so 
susceptible  to  the  influence  of  the  wily  Citizen  Vaux,  for 
approval. 

Zealous  Maurice  F.  Wilhere,  who  is  a  young  Democrat 
and  an  independent  one,  joins  in  a  motion  with  Citizen 
Grim  that  Citizen  Bull  act  as  Chairman  and  the  motion 
being  ratified  by  enthusiastic  shouts,  Mr.  Bull  is  escorted 
to  the  platform  and  is  about  to  take  the  Chair. 

Alas  for  perverted  humanity  I  Before  Chairman  Bull 
has  time  to  sit  down  the  janitor  of  the  hall,  burly  and 
ugly  of  visage,  rendered  uglier  by  the  hard  lines  of  craft 
and  unnatural  zeal,  with  its  barter  a.'id  sale  aspect,  rushes 
forward  and  orders  the  delegates  to  clear  the  hall.  Door- 
keepers and  police  come  to  his  assistance  with  such  sur- 
prising promptness  as  to  cause  remark.  It  is  in  vain 
Chairman  Bull  and  Delegates  Grim  and  Wilhere  offer 
the  janitor  money  for  the  use  of  the  hall  for  only  a  half 
hour.  He  is  not  to  be  conciliated ;  the  McGrath  men 
have  seen  to  that,  and  Mayor  Stokley's  policemen  will 
be  only  too  glad  to  render  him  their  assistance.  So, 
roughly  and  with  violent  language  does  the  burly  janitor 
mount  the  i)latform,  seize  Chairman  Bull  by  the  shoulder 
and  press  him  vigorously  toward  the  steps,  while  the 
police  among  the  other  delegates  lend  him  their  aid. 
And  the  delegates,  being  not  fighters  but  peaceable  men, 
desiring  only  leave  to  perform  their  duties  to  their  people, 
seeing  how  useless  it  is  to  argue,  move  unresistingly 
toward  the  door. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

ON  TO   INDEPENDENCE  HALL  I 

Cuffed  and  pushed  and  hustled  by  "  Ring  "  policemen 
and  corrupted  hall-tenders  the  fifty-seven  Hunter  dele- 
gates reach  the  street  where  impatient  and  excited  people 
to  the  number  of  hundreds  are  awaiting  them  ;  awaiting 
to  propound  eager  questions,  to  cheer  them  and  to  groan 
at  their  opponents  as  their  varying  emotions  excite  them. 
Cries  and  shouts  of  applause  now  greet  them, — cries  of 
"  Hurrah  for  Hunter  I  Down  with  the  Ring  I  Down 
with  McManesism  and  McGrathism  1  Down  with 
BossismI"  Crowds  of  people  passing  along  Chestnut 
street  hear  the  tumult,  stop  to  see  what  the  matter  is, 
and  increase  the  already  large  throng. 

Anxious  questions  are  asked,  some  of  which  the  ex- 
cited delegates  answer,  others  of  which  they  do  not  hear, 
or  if  hearing  do  not  take  time  to  reply  to.  They  pause  on 
the  sidewalk,  as  if  momentarily  bewildered,  the  crowd 
pressing  on  them.  Chairman  Bull  being  completely 
hedged  in  and  turning  helplessly  to  his  followers.  Dele- 
gates Grim  and  Wilhere  struggling  through  the  mass  to 
reach  him.  Before  they  have  time  to  exchange  a  word 
a  voice  arises  from  somewhere  among  the  surging  crowd 
which  causes  Chairman  Bull  to  turn  suddenly  as  if  pos- 
sessed of  an  idea,  the  delegates  struggling  after  him. 
"  To  the  Rooms  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  I 
All  Hunter  Delegates  to  the  Rooms  of  the  Committee  of 
One  Hundred  I " 

Enough  1  Enough !  Without  pausing  to  question  the 
source  of  the  invitation  they  press  on  up  Tenth  street  to 
(189) 


190  THE  FALL   OF  BOSSISM. 

Chestnut  and  almost  diagonally  across,  where,  in  the 
second  story  of  a  building  on  the  opposite  side,  the  One 
Hundred's  headquarters  are.  Better  a  Convention  there 
than  a  curbstone  Convention  in  the  midst  of  a  tumult- 
uous crowd. 

The  street  [door  of  the  Committee's  headquarters  is 
open,  and  through  it,  and  along  the  hall,  and  up  the 
stairway.  Chairman  Bull  forces  his  way,  his  delegates 
after  him,  through  the  mass  of  enthusiastic  Hunter 
people,  Democratic  and  Republican,  who  have  gotten 
there  before  them.  Instantly  the  lower  hall  and  stair- 
way is  a,  struggling  mass  of  people  and  a  hundred  times 
as  many  more  are  pressing  up  to  the  entrance  outside. 
Suddenly,  with  a  readiness  of  comprehension  derived 
from  long  experience  with  Conventions,  two  hugh  Demo- 
cratic sympathizers  assuming  authority  by  virtue  of  nec- 
essity, improvise  themselves  into  doorkeepers  and  rushing 
to  the  entrance  force  back  the  incoming  crowd  and  close 
the  door.  Yet  there  are  several  hundred  inside  who 
cannot  be  gotten  out  having  crowded  upstairs  after  the 
determined  Chairman  Bull. 

Meantime  Chairman  Bull  followed  by  his  excited  dele- 
gates bursts  into  the  main  Committee  room,  the  door  of 
which  is  open,  where  sit  two  members,  Messrs.  Corson 
and  Barber,  who  have  been  engaged  on  certain  "  clerical 
work,"  but  who  are  now  on  their  feet,  speechless  with 
astonishment  at  the  unceremonious  intrusion,  not  under- 
standing it.  In  a  moment,  however,  everything  has  been 
made  clear,  and  the  use  of  the  rooms  are  graciously 
accorded  the  eager  visitors.  Committeeman  Corson  busying 
himself  throwing  open  the  door  of  a  large  ante-room 
into  which  no  one  shall  be  admitted  save  delegates  and 


THB  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  191 

representatives  of  the  press,  ■vrhile  Committeeman  Barber 
makes  himself  useful  as  door-keeper. 

Short  work  is  it  for  the  Coavention  to  organize. 
Chairman  Bull  has  already  found  a  chair  and  a  table, 
but  no  gavel,  which  is  not  necessary  considering  the 
Convention  is  all  of  one  mind  and  will  do  its  work  with- 
out unnecessary  wrangling.  Messrs.  Maurice  Wilhere 
and  Albert  Lawrence  are  appointed  Secretaries,  while 
William  Revell  and  Robert  Bowen  are  authorized  to 
keep  doors.  Next  all  persons  not  delegates  are  requested 
to  withdraw  from  the  rooms  to  the  hall  and  staircase 
with  the  understanding  that  they  shall  return  when  the 
Convention  gets  through  its  work. 

A  Committee  on  Resolutions  having  been  appointed 
they  report,  after  a  brief  retirement  for  deliberation,  a 
resolution  to  the  effect  that  "  It  is  the  sense  of  this  Con- 
vention in  consideration  of  the  faithful  services  and 
independent  action  of  John  Hunter,  that  he  be  indorsed 
as  the  choice  of  the  Democratic  Convention  for  Receiver 
of  Taxes." 

Amidst  ringing  cheers  the  resolution  passes ;  Hunter 
is  indorsed  by  a  unanimous  vote.  Party  ties  have  been 
broken.  Orator  John  H.  Fow,  of  the  bar,  attracted  to 
the  scene  by  the  general  excitement  mounts  a  chair  and 
presents  a  resolution  calling  upon  Democrats  generally  to 
rise  above  party  feeling  and  finish  the  work  which  the 
Reform  element  of  the  Republican  party  has  begun, 
which  resolution  also  passes  "  with  rousing  cheers." 
Before  the  Convention  adjourns  Delegate  John  L.  Grim 
moves  that  a  committee  of  seven  be  appointed  by  the 
Chair  to  notify  Councilman  Hunter  of  the  Convention's 
action.    Delegate  Grim  himself,  Maurice  Wilhere  and 


192  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

Messrs.  Wall,  Gibbons,  Geisz,  Thompson  and  Lawrence 
are  appointed  as  that  Committee.  Ar^  the  Convention  is 
breaking  up  and  the  enthusiastic  people  are  crowding 
into  the  room  the  cool-headed  Delegate  Grim  raps  on  the 
table  for  order,  having  an  announ(;ement  to  make.  "  I 
will  state  for  the  benefit  of  the  members  of  the  Committee 
on  notification,"  he  shouts,  "that  Mr.  Hunter  will  be  at 
the  City  Council  Chamber  in  Independence  Hall  at  three 
o'clock  to  continue  his  investigations  into  a  matter  which 
we  hope  he  shall  be  able  to  prosecute  in  a  more  enlarged 
sphere  after  the  February  elections." 

Again  has  a  popular  chord  been  struck  and  forthwith 
there  are  more  cheers.  Well  have  the  people  watched 
the  course  of  this  Gas  Trust  investigation  in  which  the 
fearless  Councilman  Hunter,  with  his  Reform  colleagues, 
Messrs.  Cavea  and  Page,  are  doing  so  much  under  tre- 
mendous disadvantages  to  bring  to  light  transactions 
done  in  the  darkness  of  back-room  council. 

The  time  wackts  only  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  till  three 
and  the  Committee  on  notification  will  set  out  at  once,  as 
it  will  require  about  five  minutes  to  reach  theHali  where 
they  well  know  Conncilman  Hunter  is  always  prompt 
with  the  hour.  Instinctively  does  the  excited  throng 
know  their  intentions,  and  at  once  there  is  a  rush  for  the 
street  which  already  is  crowded  by  an  impatient  assem- 
blage. They  will  go  along,  these  indiscriminate  voters 
and  taxpayers  and  workers  at  many  trades  and  occupa- 
tions, and  witness  the  notification,  not  alone  because  they 
sympathize  with  the  Eeformers  whose  cause  is  their 
cause,  but  also  to  see  the  noted  Councilman  Hunter  whom 
so  many  have  heard  about  through  the  newspapers. 

So,  moving  down  the  stairway,  the  Committee,  walking 


THE   FALL   OF   B0S6ISM.  193 

two  and  three  abreast  and  followed  by  other  delegates,  in 
impressive  procession,  reach  the  street  and  yet  once  more 
are  greeted  with  cheers  and  shouting  and  noisy  demon- 
stration. Following  them  a  grand  moving  mass  of 
people  of  all  grades  and  conditions,  tumultuous  and  en- 
thusiastic, the  procession  moves  down  Chestnut  street  to 
the  place,  half  way  between  Fifth  and  Sixth  streets, 
where,  fronted  by  a  broad  sidewalk  adorned  by  a  statue 
of  Washington,  which,  every  30th  of  May,  soldier-hands 
wash  and  scour  white  and  clean,  stands  the  rambling 
old  building  with  its  two  stories  and  a  half,  its  old- 
fashioned  hard  brick-facing  with  brick  "brought  from 
England,"  and  its  dull  white,  time-worn  belfry  tower  a 
landmark  whose  history  shall  grow  more  vived  through 
the  ages.  No  longer  around  its  portals  stand  patriots  and 
statesmen,  but  instead  mainly  political  dependents, 
loungers  and  idlers,  waiting  to  do  the  bidding  of  their 
petty  bosses,  to  dance  as  their  masters  pipe  as  a  willing 
occupation. 

The  throng  presses  into  the  Hall,  Committee  Chairman 
Grim  and  Maurice  Wilhere  leading,  and  up  the  oaken 
stairway  to  the  first  landing.  Above  them,  in  the  Select 
Council  Chamber,  the  Committee  on  the  investigation 
of  the  Gas  Trust  has  assembled  but  is  not  yet  come  to 
order.  From  the  second  story  windows  the  members 
have  heard  the  shouts  of  the  aroused  ones  and  have 
gazed  out  upon  them,  far-sighted  President  Caven 
realizing  that  the  long-prophesied  day  of  retribution 
for  Bossism  is  rapidly  approaching,  with  a  pertinent 
observation  as  to  the  significance  of  the  uprising; 
the  adherents  of  McManesism  with  sneering  criti- 
cism, yet  with  visibly  disturbed  countenances.     Keen- 


194  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

sighted  Controller  Pattison,  who  is  there  with  certain 
books  and  memoranda  of  his  Department  to  aid  in  the 
investigation,  gazes  out  and  recognizes  many  of  his  con- 
stituents who  see  him  also  and  hail  him  with  wild  cheers. 
Davis  Page,  peering  out  from  behind  near-sighted  specta- 
cles discovers,  among  the  moving  mass,  supporters  and 
friends  and  is  likewise  cheered. 

But  where  is  the  lion  of  the  hour, — the  faithful  Coun- 
cilman Hunter?  In  close  carriage  from  his  suburban 
West  Philadelphia  home  he  was  drawing  near  the  hall, 
oblivious  of  what  had  happened  when  his  ears  caught 
the  wild  sounds  on  the  street  and  looking  out  his  eyes 
saw  the  mighty  throng  moving  along  and  shouting  his 
name,  having  by  this  time  reached  the  Ledger  building 
at  Chestnut  and  Sixth  Streets.  Hastily  ordering  his 
driver  to  turn  down  Sixth  Street  Councilman  Hunter 
there  alighted  and  quickly  entered  the  hall  by  the  back 
way,  reaching  the  Council  Chamber  before  the  mob 
entered  the  front  door. 

As  Chairman  Grim's  Committee  reaches  the  first 
landing  with  the  enthusiastic  people  blocking  up  stair- 
way and  wide  rotunda  below  and  streaming  out  into  the 
street,  choking  up  doorway  and  sidewalk,  the  shouts  and 
cheers  for  Hunter  grow  louder.  Presently  there  is  a 
movement  above  and  the  subject  of  all  this  wild  demon- 
stration is  seen  descending  with  uncovered  head  and  visible 
agitation.  No  sooner  does  he  appear  than  the  old  hall 
resounds,  and  shouts  and  exclamations  from  the  struggling 
mass  below  indicate  that  there  is  a  disposition  to  get  eyes 
upon  him. 

Chairman  Grim,  his  straight  black  hair  disordered  and 
his  coal  black  eyes  flashing  with  inward  excitement, 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  195 

waves  his  hand  and  shouts  for  order.  Instantly,  if  as  by 
magic,  there  is  a  hush,  and  tlie  sea  of  faces  cast  upward, 
which  a  moment  ago  was  so  turbulent  becomes  c?lm  and 
still. 

Impressive  is  the  scene.  Mr.  Hunter,  his  face 
wearing  an  expression  of  solemnity,  his  head  slightly 
bowed  as  he  awaits  the  pleasure  of  the  Committee,  has 
accidently  placed  himself  in  juxtaposition  with  suggestive 
things.  Directly  over  his  head  hangs  the  old  cracked 
Liberty  Bell  whose  tones  were  heard  a  little  over  a 
century  ago  resounding  throughout  that  same  hall,  as 
throughout  the  world,  in  stirring  proclamation  of 
the  Independence  of  the  fathers  of  men  who  to-day 
have  risen  in  their  might  likewise  against  the 
oppressions  of  tyrants;  and  on  the  wall  to  his 
right,  on  impressive  canvas,  full-length,  with  noble 
features  rendered  more  striking  by  the  moderate 
light  that  struggles  through  the  old-fashioned  win- 
dow, is  a  uniformed  portrait  of  France's  noblest  gift 
to  America,  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette.  To  the  left,  on 
the  opposite  wall,  likewise  full-length  on  canvas,  is  a 
picture  of  the  City's  founder,  the  benevolent  Penn. 
Surrounded  thus  by  things  replete  with  the  eloquence 
of  history,  Councilman  Hunter  receives  through 
Chairman  Grim,  the  announcement  of  the  Convention's 
action. 

No  longer  now  are  the  people  silent.  Touched  by  the 
impre^siveness  of  the  scene  and  perhaps  stirred  by  a 
realizing  sense  of  the  wrongs  inflicted  upon  them,  the 
descendents  of  a  race  of  giants,  by  petty  masters  who 
dare  not  show  their  faces  here  at  this  moment,  no  sooner 
does  Chairmaa   Grim's  voice  cease,  than  their  hardly 


196  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

repressed  feelings  break  forth  again  and  cheer  after  cbeer 
echoes  throughout  the  old  Hall,  coupled  with  en- 
thusiastic shouts  of  "Hunter  and  Reform  1  Down  with 
the  bosses  of  both  parties  I  Down  with  the  Gas  Trust ! 
Down  with  McManesism  I  Hurrah  for  Hunter  and 
Reform  I " 

Brief,  modest  man,  Councilman  Hunter  gazes  upon 
the  scene,  smiling  and  bowing.  When  the  tumult  ceases 
somewhat  he  speaks  briefly,  being  as  he  says  "no  speech- 
maker,"  "  Gentlemen  I  thank  you  for  your  nomination. 
If  elected  to  the  office  of  Receiver  of  Taxes  I  shall  en- 
deavor to  perform  my  duty  as  I  have  ever  tried  to  do  in 
public  life." 

Brief  words,  but  not  less  welcome  to  the  excited  throng 
for  that !  Amidst  the  cheers  which  arise  Mr.  Hunter 
bows  and  takes  bis  way  up  to  the  Council  Chamber  to  his 
official  duties.  Yet  not  now  does  the  occasion  end.  A 
stir  among  the  up-gazing  people  and  cheers  again  break 
forth  and  cries  of  "  Pattison  I  Pattison  I  three  cheers  for 
Pattison  !  "  betoken  new  cause  of  excitement.  The  tall 
form  of  the  young  Controller  is  seen  on  the  upper 
landing,  and  in  response  to  the  cries  of  the  throng  he 
descends  to  the  first  landing,  gazing  steadily  upon  the 
scene,  awaiting  the  ending  of  the  storm  of  applause. 

When  the  noise  subsides  sufficient  to  enable  his  voice 
to  be  heard  the  Controller  addresses  them,  and  his  open- 
ing sentence  is  occasion  for  a  fresh  demonstration. 
"Fellow-citizens,  one  hundred  years  ago  there  was  a 
revolution  started  here  for  an  imposition  which  was  of 
far  less  magnitude  than  that  which  the  Democratic  Con- 
vention attempted  to  put  upon  you  to-day.  (Cheers.) 
The  American  people  brought  a  King  to  his  feet  for  a 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  197 

less  offense  than  that  which  you  have  suffered  at  the 
hands  of  the  bosses  of  both  parties  in  this  city.  Assert 
your  manhood  and  independence.  Be  like  freemen  and 
not  like  slaves.  Yet,  it  will  do  no  good  for  me  to  stand 
here  and  talk  to  you.  Go  to  your  homes,  talk  with  your 
neighbors,  organize  in  your  wards  and  as  sure  as  the  sun 
shines  to-morrow  John  Hunter  will  be  the  next  Receiver 
of  Taxes."     (Wild  and  prolonged  cheers.) 

Now  below  was  a  scene,  the  like  of  which,  since  the 
days  of  the  Revolution,  perhaps,  had  not  been  witnessed- 
The  cheers  and  wild  shouts  within,  mingling  with  the 
cries  and  wild  shouts  of  the  constantly  accumulating 
mass  without,  produced  an  emergency  which  the  keenest 
sighted  political  observer  had  not  foreseen.  Who  could 
have  expected  the  feelings  of  men  to  run  so  high,  even 
getting  to  a  pitch  that  is  dangerous !  For  there  is  talk  of 
invading  that  Council  Chamber  and  of  seizing  the  friends 
of  the  Gas  Trust  who  are  serving  on  that  investigating 
committee  and  treating  them  with  violence,  which  talk 
reaches  the  ears  of  the  ones  threatened  and  causes  them 
to  retire  from  landing  to  Council  Chamber,  behind  locked 
doors,  with  a  sudden  pallor  of  countenance  which  would 
seem  to  show  that  they  appreciate  the  gravity  of  the 
situation.  In  a  timely  moment,  however,  the  danger 
becomes  apparent  to  Mayor  Stokley,  whose  office  in  one 
end  of  that  long,  rambling  building,  the  centre  of  which 
is  Independence  Hall  itself,  has  been  penetrated  by  the 
wild  sounds,  which,  to  his  ears,  for  reasons  other  tlian 
strictly  official  ones,  are  not  pleasant,  and  a  formidable 
squad  of  police  drives  away  the  mob  and  clears  the 
Hall. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  PLAY  OF  FLOOD  AND  STORM  1 

Say  ye  this  Reform  Committee  came  into  existence 
prematurely,  that  it  has  no  mission  to  fulfill,  is  self-con- 
stituted and  that  "the  times  arK^ot  ripe  for  it?  " — say  ye 
so  while  the  air  is  ringing  with  men's  savage  cries  and 
execrations;  while  "citizens  and  taxpayers,"'  knowing  no 
degree  or  party  except  the  people,  are  banding  together 
and,  under  the  impassioned  oratory  of  impromptu 
leaders,  finding  matter  wherewith  to  fill  up  to  completion 
sweepinc  and  exhaustive,  an  arraignment  against  the 
political  tyrants  which,  at  the  appointed  time  and  tribunal, 
shall  be  presented,  not  for  wordy  wrangling  or  for  sleek 
and  specious  mustering  of  verbal  rubbish  to  cover  up  and 
divert,  but  for  stern  and  summary  action  from  which  there 
shall  be  no  appeal.  A  foretaste  do  the  tyrants  get  of  what 
13  coming*  in  this  upsweeping  wavef  that  roars  and 
clamors  about  the  base  of  old  Independence  Hall,  which 
may  yet  see  a  day  of  Restoration  when  its  emblems  of 
purity  and  patriotism  may  shine  with  a  whiteness  not 
entirely  without  significance. 

*"  The  Democratic  Stalwarts  have  by  this  time  learned  that  it  is  easier 
to  manipulate  the  delegates  of  a  political  convention  than  a  hundred 
thousuud  tii^payers  all  tagei  lor  reform."— ^■uemn^r  Star,  Ja.n.  28, 1881. 

f'There  *  *  *  Is  a  great  eround-swell  amongr  the  people  for  coali- 
tion with  the  Business  Men's  Kepublican  Committee,  in  favor  of  a  city 
ticKeteoiupost-d  of  meu  whose  antecedents,  without  regard  to  their  poli- 
tics, piove  ihem  lo  be  earnest  and  energetic  advocates  for  reform  of  all 
municipal  abuses.  Individual  members  of  their  (Democratic)  party 
began  verv  soon  to  declare  their  purpose  to  'vote for  John  Hunter  for 
Tax  Receiver.no  matter  what  ticket  he  Is  on*  *  *  •  These  men 
found  their  nelchbors  sayinc;  the  same  thing— found  it  repeated  among 
their  fellow  workmen  in  the  workshop,  and  on  the  street,  and  in  the 
borsecars.  Theirvoice  became ageneral  expression,  which  swelled  and 
grew  in  force  dav  hy  day,  and  between  morning  and  night  and  night  and 
mornintf."— ieciocr.  Jan.  28,  IS8J- 

(198) 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  199 

Startling  and  grandly  extemporaneous  have  been  the 
things  occurring  within  the  past  eight  and  forty  hours. 
First  those  "  Independent  Democrats,"  led  by  Citizens 
Ashmead  and  Conway,  assemble  in  the  Board  of  Trade 
Rooms,  this  time  in  numbers  so  large  that  the  place  is 
packed*  and  forthwith  proceed  to  adopt  resolutions 
"declaring  Samuel  G.  King,  Edward  R.  Worrell  and 
John  Hunter  to  be  the  candidates  of  the  Democratic  party 
for  Mayor,  City  Solicitor,  and  Receiver  of  Taxes;  "  and 
furthermore  do  they  begin  to  prepare  for  the  contest, 
authorizing,  by  unanimous  vote,  the  appointment  of  a 
Committee  of  Thirty-one,  composed  of  one  member  from 
each  ward,  to  conduct  the  campaign.  And  a  committee 
consisting  of  Citizens  George  W.  Biddle,  William  Con- 
way, Samuel  R.  Marshall,  J.  Davis  Duffield  and  James 
Tully,  has  been  appointed  to  meet  a  sub-committee  of 
the  ComoQittee  of  One  Hundred  for  conference. 

Next,  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  has  met  and,  in 
vigorous,  business-like  way  passed  resolutions,  one  to  the 
effect  that  "  we  heartily  endorse  the  manly  letterf  of  Mr. 
Samuel  G.  King  to  the  Democratic  Convention  insisting 
upon  Mr.  John  Hunter's  nomination  for  Receiver  of 
Taxes  on  the  same  ticket  with  him ;  "  and  that  "  if  Mr. 
Samuel  G.  King  accepts  the  nomination  for  Mayor  and 
indorses  our  Declaration  of  Principles  we  shall  give  him 

*"  A  large  meetiiig  of  Democratic  citizens  interested  in  municipal  re- 
form wass  held  at  the  Boardof  Trade  Rooms,  yesterday  at  noon.  Among 
those  present  were,  George  W.  Biddle,  Isaac  J.  Wistar,  George  Biddle. 
Samuel  K.  Marshal  1,  Charles  W.Carrigan.  James  Tully,  Henry  Budd,  Jr., 
Roberto.  Howell,  James  C.  Shedwick,  Thomas  S.  Stewart,  Col.  Charles 
H.  Gibson,  William  H.  Browne,  W'illiam  Henrv,  Clement  M.  Husband, 
Arthur  M  Burton,  L.  P.  Ashmead,  William  Conwav,  A.  R.  Boileau, 
Henry  Ingersoll.  J.  Davis  Duffield,  John  H.  Fow,  John  I.  Rogers,  William 
H.  Het  rick.  Frank  M.  Cody.  E.  Q.  Michener.  William  Henrv  Jones,  Henry 
Randall  and  Adam  S.  Hartranft.  Thomas  B,  Stewart  presided. "—Z^7n««, 
Jan.  29. 1S81. 

fSee  appendix. 


200  THE  FALL  OF  B0SSI8M. 

our  earnest  and  unqalified  support."  Other  resolutions 
authorize  Chairman  Garrett  to  appoint  a  committee  of 
five  "  to  conduct  the  coming  campaign  in  the  most 
thorough  and  vigorous  manner  for  John  Hunter  as 
Receiver  of  Taxes  and  for  such  other  candidates  as  have 
been  or  may  be  indorsed  by  the  Committee ;"  which  Com- 
mittee Chairman  Garrett  appoints  at  once,  with  Citizen 
John  Field  chairman,  and  experienced  Reform  worker 
George  H.  Earle  and  Ellis  D.  Williams,  Rudolph  Blanken- 
burg  and  J.  Alexander  Simpson,  Jr.,  as  his  colleagues. 
In  the  meantime  in  the  way  of  preparing  for  a  conference 
with  the  Democrats,  the  step  has  already  been  taken, 
a  committee  of  five,  consisting  of  Citizen  James  A. 
Wright,  chairman,  E.  Dunbar  Lockwood,  Francis  B. 
Reeves,  William  Brockie  and  Amos  R.  Little,  having 
been  awaiting  for  the  past  ten  days,  the  action  of  the 
Democrats  that  they  may  meet  representatives  from  that 
party  and  arrange  for  coalition. 

Last,  among  the  things  great  and  startling  to  McManes- 
ism  and  the  political  tyrants  generally,  comes  the  news 
of  a  breach  in  the  Democratic  City  Executive  Com- 
mittee, the  chief  official  organization  of  the  party,  wield- 
ing all  the  machinery  for  carrying  on  the  usual  election 
contest,  directing  the  canvass,  selecting  the  speakers  and 
having  chief  authority  in  the  campaign.  Yet,  wonder  of 
wonders  1  The  disaffection  over  the  result  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic Tax  Receiver's  Convention  reaches  this  principal 
Democratic  representative  body  and,  as  a  result,  there  has 
been  a  stormy  meeting,  twenty-six  out  of  forty  members, 
being  all  who  could  be  got  to  vote  for  resolutions  in- 
dorsing Citizen  McGrath.  Others  have  resigned  for  the 
reason  that  they  intend  to  support  Councilman  Hunter, 


THE  FALL  OF  B08SISM.  201 

Citizen  George  Bull  being  one  and  the  most  conspicous 
of  those  withdrawing.* 

So  the  tide  sweeps  on,  mounting  higher  and  higher 
with  each  succeeding  flow  and  sweeping  one  after  another 
the  outposts  of  "  the  old  parties"  from  their  foundations, 
the  "  party  lines  "  snapping  like  rotten  hemp,  and  the 
once  jealously  guarded  political  fields  being  strewn  with 
the  wreck  of  such,  and  with  the  remnants  of  partisanship, 
falsehood  and  predjudice.  Diverging  from  wave-swept 
Independence  Hallf  and  the  Board  of  Trade  Rooms,  into 
the  outer  wards  the  flood  pours.  Democratic  Ward  Com- 
mittees, cousKituent  partsof  City  Executive  Committee, — 
each  of  the  former  having  a  representative  in  the  latter, 
thus  composing  it, — imitating  the  example  of  the  central 
organization  and  holding  stormy  meetings,  the  result  of 
which  is  either  the  indorsement  of  Councilman  HunterJ 

*"The  Democratic  City  Executive  Committee  has  been  made  'solid  for 
Mulhooly'  by  the  resignation  ol'  most  of  the  members  who  opposed  tue 
nomination  of  McGrulh.  Mr.  E.  Coppee  Mitchell  sliU  remains  a.s  Chair- 
man, but  he  will  probably  resign  before  many  days  and  join  the  other 
honest  Democrats  in  the  revolt  against  the  dictation  of  corrupt  bosses." 
—Times,  January  29,  lasl. 

t'Tndeppndenco  Hall  was  an  appropriate  place  for  the  spontaneous 
ratilicatiou  of  tne  nomination  ot  Mr.  John  Hunter,  which  took  place 
yesterday.  The  convention  lield  there  in  1770  violated  'rules'  and  re- 
fused to  obey  the  '  bosses,'  and  the  times  are  proiiitious  for  another  revo- 
lution organized  in  the  same  place."— Xerfj/ec,  January  28, 1881. 

f'The  Democratic  Candidate  for  Common  Council  in  the  Fourteenth 
Ward,  Mr.  Addison  B.  Burk,  has  declined  the  nomination  on  the  ground 
that  he,  in  common  with  a  great  majority  of  liis  party  will  support  John 
Hunter  for  Receiver  of  Ta.xi^s.  He  therefore  declines  to  allow  his  name 
to  be  associated  on  tlie  ticket  with  the  Democratic  nominee  for  that 
office,  whom  he  will  have  to  oppose."— i-'rew,  January  31. 

"The  Democratic  E.icecutive  Committees  of  the  First,  Tenth,  Thir- 
teenth, Twenty-fourth,  Twenty-fifth  and  Twenty-seventh  Wards,  last 
evening,  indorsed  King  for  Mayor,  Worrell  for  City  Solicitor,  and 
Hunter  for  Keceiver  of  Taxes."— Ibid,  January  31. 

"TheM.achine  Democrats  are  losing  their  adherents  daily.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  resignations  from  the  Campaign  C'ommittee  *  *  *  John 
M.  Campbell  of  the  Fifih  Ward  has  declined  to  act  with  that  body  and 
has  declared  that  he  favors  the  election  of  John  Hunter  for  lieceiver  o^ 
'Xftxe3"—/6td.— January  31. 


202  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

or  the  breaking  up  of  the  Committees  through  impromptu 
resignations,  the  out-going  ones  hastening  to  join  hands 
with  Reformers  and  to  organize  Committees,  neither 
Democratic  nor  Republican  but  Citizen's  Committees. 
The  party  leaders,  all  powerless,  gazing  with  scared 
panic-stricken  faces  upon  the  storm  whose  dimensions 
they  can  measure  not,  whose  effects,  with  dim  bewildered 
vision,  they  foresee  only  to  fear,  do  nothing  but  gather 
up  shreds  and  patches  here  and  there  of  "  pre-arranged 
plans,"  and  endeavor,  in  a  weak  and  feeble  way,  to  piece 
them  together,  to  hide  the  rents  and,  like  Chinese  fort- 
resses, to  deceive  the  eye  with  painted  images.  Puny 
and  weak  are  the  leaders  now,  even  Citizen  Vaux's  lion 
voice  being  no  more  than  a  whisper  in  the  din  and  roar 
of  the  tumult,  and  James  McManes's  wonted  grasp  on 
the  party  machinery  being  weak  and  powerless  as  tbatof 
a  hand  palsied. 

"The  Sixth  Ward  Democratic  Executive  Committee  has  indorsed 
King,  Worrell  and  Hunter  and  the  representative  to  the  City  Execntive 
Committee  has  been  instructed  to  tender  to  the  Committee  of  One  Hun- 
dred and  to  the  Independent  Democratic  Committee  of  Thirty-one,  the 
cooperation  of  the  Sixth  Ward  Democracy  for  the  Reform  ticket." — 
Inquirer,  January  31" 

"The  bosses  of  the  Democratic  City  Committee  who  indorsed  the 
straight-out  ticket  evidently  forgot  that  they  were  acting  in  a  represent- 
ative capacity  ana  that  in  adopting  such  a  resolution  they  were  flying  in 
the  faces  of  a  majority  of  their  constituents.  *  *  *  Fully  three- 
fourths  of  the  best  men  of  both  political  parties  are  for  Joha  Hunter  for 
Receiver  of  Taxes"— <Stor,  January  31, 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE   DEMOCEATIC   COMillTTEE   OF   THIRTY-ONE. 

Organization  is  now,  with  Reform  Democrats,  the  order 
of  the  hour.  Citizen  George  W.  Biddle's  Committee  of 
Five  "on  conference"  has  met  Citizen  James  A.  Wright's 
Committee  of  Five,  and  between  the  Independent  Dem- 
ocrats and  Chairman  Garrett's  Committee  there  has  been 
effected  a  satisfactory  understanding;  one  of  the  results  of 
which  is  the  formation  of  the  Democratic  Committee  of 
Thirty-one,  Citizen  Isaac  J.  Wistar,  Chairman,  and 
Citizens  Ashmead,  Dallas,  Bull  and  old  William  Conway, 
among  others,  member?.  Note  also  on  the  list*  many 
young  Democrats,  not  long  emerged  from  Law  Schools, 

*The  members  of  the  Democratic  Reform  Committee  of  Thirty-one  and 
the  alternates  were  as  follows:— First  Ward,  William  Wiler;  Second 
Ward,  Charles  F.  Iseminger;  Third  Ward,  W.  J.Jackson;  Fourth  Ward, 
Joseph  P.  Kennedy;  Fifth  Ward,  William  Conway;  Sixth  Ward,  T.  A. 
Sloan .  Seventh  Ward,  Isaac  J.  Wistar ;  Eighth  Ward,  Charles  H.  Krum- 
bhaar;  Ninth  Ward,  John  Tracy ;  Tenth  Ward,  John  O.  James;  Eleventh 
Ward,  Charles  Forrest;  Twelfth  Ward,  William  Ayres;  Thirteenth 
Ward,  Thomas  J.  Ashton ;  Fourteenth  Ward,  William  McCarty ;  Fif- 
teenth Ward,  A.  D.  Guilbert;  Sixteenth  Ward,  L.  D.  Belair;  Seventeenth 
Ward,  James  Tully;  Eighteenth  Ward,  John  H.  Fow;  Nineteenth  Ward, 
Dr.  John  Moffett;  Twentieth  Ward,  Robert  C.  Howell;  Twenty-first 
Ward.  Benjamin  F.  Harvey;  Twenty-second  Ward  .Thomas  A  MacKel- 
lar;  Twenty-third  Ward,  R.  L.  Wright;  Twenty-fourth  Ward,  Chas.  M. 
Warnock;  Twenty-fifth  Ward,  Michael  O'Rourke;  Twenty-sixth  Ward, 
A.  J.  Diamond;  Twenty-seventh  Ward,  George  Bull;  Twenty-eighth 
Ward,  Charles  F.  Cobb;  Twenty-ninth  Ward,  F.  M.  Cody;  Thirtieth 
Ward.  James  J.  Loughrey ;  Thirty-first  Ward,  John  Scott. 

Alternates:— Robert  S.  Patterson,  Edward  Wiler, R.  England,  William 
Smith,  George  M.  Dallas,  Thomas  M.  Keely,  H.  C.  Olmstead,  L.  P.  Ash- 
mead, R.  P.  Pendegrast,  W.  G.  Hughes,  W.  S.  Geary,  F.  P.  Nicholson, 
Henry  D.  Welsh,  P.  Armbruster,  John  I.  Rogers,  F.  JI.  Walsh,  John 
Smith,  Joseph  F.  N.  Snyder,  Joseph  Wall,  John  A.  Mehan,  John  McVey, 
C.  R.  Bockius,  John  L.  Grim,  J.  S.  Painter,  Robert  E.  Pattison,  Albert 
Brothers,  Samuel  Drake,  William  F.  Ziegler,  William  HaU." 

(.203) 


204  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

or  even  now  going  through  their  novitiate  yet  not  with- 
out decided  convictions  as  to  the  objects  of  political 
parties,  which  convictions  do  not  entirely  agree  with  those 
of  Citizen  Vaux  and  other  Democratic  leaders, — a  fact 
significant  of  trouble  for  the  future.  One  there  is  whom 
it  is  timely  Jto  mark  well;  tall,  slender,  and  though 
young,  with  smooth,  almost  boyish  face,  of  distinguished 
features,  with  Roman  nose,  high,  shapely  head,  full, 
high  forehead  and  dark  eyes,  extremely  penetrating. 
The  Fourth  Ward  does  this  young  man  represent,  where 
the  name  of  Joseph  P.  Kennedy,  young  attorney-at-law, 
has  lately  fallen  rudely  upon  the  ears  of  the  Ward  Dem- 
ocratic "leaders  "  who  scornfully  resent  his  appearance 
in  the  political  sphere  and  must  needs  resort  to  snubs  and 
studied  slights  to  teach  him  to  know  his  place  and  to  not 
interfere  with  them,  experienced  and  able  lieutenants  of 
the  Democratic  and  Eepublican  bosses,  whose  work  in 
the  interests  of  their  masters  has  rendered  that  Ward  of 
all  others  hopeless  of  Reform  and  a  symbol  of  reproach 
among  men  of  all  political  professions.  Yet  their  snubs 
and  affronts  have  fallen  lightly;  the  high-spirited  young 
man  seeming  to  grow  only  more  bold  and  energetic  in 
his  efforts  to  tear  down  their  rotten  political  household 
and  to  re-establish  in  its  stead  the  long-abandoned  prin- 
ciples of  honest  Democracy.  Quiet  and  unassuming  is 
he  in  appearance  and  manners  ;  listening  well  to  others, 
observiig  closely,  saying  little,  yet  usually  saying  words 
which  have  point  and  meaning. 

Concerning  Citizens  Ashmead,  Conway,  Dallas  and 
Bull  we  already  know  something.  So  do  we  know  about 
Alternate  Robert  E.  Pattison  of  the  Twenty-Seventh 
Ward ;  as  also  Alternate  John  L.  Grim  of  the  Twenty- 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  205 

Fourtli.  Others  there  are  not  conspicuous  in  th  im- 
mediate events  which  have  preceeded  this  uprising  yet 
long  prominent  in  Reform  work  in  one  capacity  or 
other,  as,  for  example,  Citizen  Charles  H.  Krumbhaar, 
able  young  lawyer  and  ex-Councilman  from  the  Eighth 
Ward,  whose  name  has  heretofore  been  familiar  to  the 
public  through  association,  not  altogether  pleasant  to 
the  recollection  of  McManesism,  with  Tax  Office  inves- 
tigations. 

The  Committee  of  Thirty-one  is  thus  not  without  per- 
sons of  experience.  Those  who  are  young  and  taking 
their  first  lessons  in  politics  are  apt  and  will  quickly 
learn,  especially  since  it  becomes  apparent  that  the  un- 
trammeled  Democracy  of  the  city  are  looking  up  to  them, 
clamorous  and  eager  to  be  led  on  to  the  culmination  of 
this  mo7ement  which  has  been  consecrated  by  the  genius 
of  Independence  Hall.  So,  out  of  the  Thirty-one  are 
extracted  several  convenient  gentlemen  to  officiate  as 
Secretaries;  and  headquarters  are  secured  where  day 
after  day,  during  the  process  of  organization  in  the  wards, 
the  Committee  members  shall  report.  Surely  has  the 
way  been  opened  for  Democratic  Reformers  to  aid  their 
Republican  allies,  a  fact  which  may  well  cause  the  polit- 
ical bosses  of  both  parties  moments  not  wholly  free  from 
uneasiness. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

EXIT   CANDIDATE   McGeATH  1 

Eight  days  have  passed  since  the  Democratic  Con- 
ventions. Citizen  Vaux,  heading  the  Committee  ap- 
pointed to  notify  Citizen  McGrath  officially  of  his 
nomination,  has  discharged  that  duty  through  the 
medium  of  a  formal  letter ;  but  as  yet  there  has  been  no 
word  from  the  nominee.  Meantime  people  are  beginning 
to  shake  their  heads  and  to  exchange  significant  glances. 
It  is  even  rumored  that  Citizen  McGrath,  seeing  his 
party  so  hopelessly  divided  and  seeing  also  certain  defeat, 
will  decline  the  nomination.  Citizen  Vaux  himself,  and 
other  wise  ones  of  the  party,  are  strangely  silent;  and 
may  be,  under  the  circumstances,  somewhat  chagrined. 
Others,  less  wise  and  experienced,  ai-e  not  silent  but 
rather  garrulous,  saying  much  on  the  subject  that  betrays 
uneasiness,  which  state  of  mind  of  the  party  followers 
soon  becomes  apparent  to  the  newspapers  and  at  once 
becomes  matter  of  discussion  and  speculation.  Thus, 
more  aggravating  becomes  what  is  already  an  annoying 
uncertainty.  In  Citizen  McGrath's  case,  particularly, 
taking  into  consideration  the  condition  of  his  party, 
are  delays  dangerous.  The  election  will  come  oflf  on 
Tuesday,  the  15th  of  February  not  much  over  two  weeks 
from  the  time  of  his  nomination,  and  already  nearly  a 
week  has  gone  and  his  supporters  are  yet  in  the  dark  as 
to  his  intentions.  To  the  City  Executive  Committee,  the 
responsible  directing  power  in  the  contest,  this  silence  is 
especially  trying.  Already  has  the  strength  of  this 
organization  been  severely  tried  by  the  withdrawal  of 
(206) 


THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM.  207 

those  members  who  have  declared  in  favor  of  Hunter, 
and  the  Ward  Commiltees  are  all  breaking  up  for  a 
similar  reason. 

Yet  the  City  Committee  has  to  guide  it  a  cool  and 
sensible  head.  Chairman  Mitchell  will  not  for  the 
friendship  of  a  living  man  jeopardize  the  true  interests  of 
his  party.  Accordingly,  brushing  aside  personal  considera- 
tions and  seeing  before  him  only  the  stern  course  of  official 
duty,  he  decides  that  Citizen  McGrath  must  relieve  the 
party  from  embarrassment  by  declaring  his  intentions. 
For  this  purpose  he  has  called  a  special  meeting  of  the 
Committee  and  notified  all  the  nominees  of  the  Conven- 
tions to  be  present,  provided  they  accept  their  respective 
nominations.  To  this  meeting  come  Citizen  King,  the 
nominee  for  Mayor,  and  Citizen  Worrell,  the  nominee  for 
City  Solicitor,  but  not  Citizen  McGrath.  Instead,  there 
comes  a  letter  to  Chairman  Mitchell  from  Citizen  Vaux 
apprising  him  of  the  fact  that  Citizen  McGrath  has 
written  a  letter  of  declination  which  letter  Citizen  Vaux 
will  make  public  through  the  newspapers  of  the  next 
day.  So  ends  the  candidacy  of  Citizen  McGrath,  and 
fitly  ends  it  in  view  of  such  defiance  of  the  public  will  in 
the  Tax  Receiver's  Convention,  which  made  him, 
against  the  advice  of  the  wisest  heads  in  the  party, 
the  nominee.  But  rot  yet  is  the  work  of  Chairman 
Mitchell's  Committee  finished.  The  regular  ele- 
ment of  the  party  is  now  without  a  candidate  for 
the  most  important  of  the  three  City  otfices.  The 
party  lines  being  all  broken  and  even  the  semblance  of 
party  boundaries  obliterated  there  is  nothing  left  for  the 
leaders  to  do  but  to  go  with  their  followers  who  have 
already    rallied    around  the  banner  of   "  Hunter  and 


208  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

Reform."  Hard  may  the  inward  struggle  be  before  they 
can  reconcile  themselves  to  fall  into  line  behind  the  once 
rejected  and  despised  Reform  candidate  ;  but  the  case  is 
desperate  and  will  brook  no  delay.  No  sooner  is  the 
declination  of  Citizen  McGrath  oflacially  announced  to 
the  meeting  than  Committeeman  William  W.  Ker  arises 
with  a  resolution  providing  for  the  indersement  of  Citi- 
zen Hunter  which  resolution  passes  by  a  vote  wanting 
only  two  of  being  unanimous;  and  having  started  thus 
abruptly  on  the  road  to  Reform  the  Committee,  with 
enthusiasm  begotten  of  the  sudden  transition  from 
extremes  no  doubt,  go  further  and  appoint  a  sub-com- 
mittee with  Chairman  Mitchell  at  its  head,  to  confer  with 
the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  with  a  view  to  co- 
operation. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE   CRUMBLING   OF   POLITICAL   FOUNDATIONS. 

The  condition  of  the  Republican  organization  in  the 
city  is  now  not  difficult  to  understand.  Deserted  by  the 
masses  of  the  Republican  party,  menaced  by  the  Demo- 
crats likewise,  both  the  Reform  and  the  Regular  elements 
of  the  party;  who  have  allied  themselves  with  those  out- 
going Republicans,  McManesism  stands  alone  and  prac- 
tically powerless.  Old  friends  and  co-partners  in  the 
business  of  place-seeking  and  spoils-gathering,  have 
suddenly,  by  the  force  of  circumstances,  been  trans- 
formed into  foes,  virulent  and  rapacious.  In  the  new 
acquisition  to  the  ranks  of  the  Reformers,  carried  over  in 
the  wake  of  the  City  Committee,  shall  the  Republican 
leaders  find  their  bitterest  source  of  regret.  There  may  be 
numbered  men  who  for  years  have  been  growing  opulent 
through  their  secret  connection  with  those  leaders,  not- 
withstanding their  opposite  politics,  and  now  shall  they 
turn  and  sting  the  hand  which  for  so  long  a  time  has  fed 
them.  How  much  of  ingratitude's  blackness  here  is 
owing  to  uncontrolled  and  uncontrollable  circums':ances, 
and  how  much  to  inclination,  willful  and  deliberate,  is 
not  in  the  power  of  man  to  show.  That  a  good  end  is 
served  by  a  falling  out  among  thieves,  however,  is 
perhaps  more  than  enough  to  counterbalance  any  con- 
sideratioijs  of  treachery  and  ingratitude  which,  after  all 
appear  blackest  when  viewed  in  the  abstract. 

Of  the  surprises  that  await  the  people  in  these  ex- 
citing political  times  the  action  of  the  City  Committee  is 
simply  one  of  many.  Each  day  bears  in  its  young, 
(209) 


210  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

opening  hours  some  rumor  or  prediction,  and  lol  before 
the  sun  has  set  they  are  fulfilled.  Even  Citizen  Keiui, 
who,  was  believed  to  be  in  the  political  field  with 
his  clubs  ajid  organizations  "  to  stay,"  must  do  his  part 
in  the  business,  and  with  pen  and  ink  likewise  produce 
a  teapot  commotion,  in  letter  of  withdrawal,  having  been 
prompted  to  this  course,  as  he  tells  Citizen  E.  Joy  Morris, 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Notification,  to  whom  the 
letter  is  addressed,  by  reason  of  a  fear  that  "  in  view  of 
the  compact  organization  of  both  parties  *  *  *  it  will  be 
impossible  to  get  a  fair  expression  of  the  popular  will." 
Not  new  to  men,  Mr.  Keim,  is  this  trouble  in  the  will's 
"  expression."  Eather  has  it  been  a  fault  of  some  years' 
standing,  constantly  increasing  in  magnitude  and  effect 
until  thou,  a  Republican  loyal  to  party  and  to  thy  belief 
in  the  efficacy  of  "  reform  within  the  lines,"  dost  feel  the 
injustice  of  thy  party's  so-called  leaders  and  must  step 
out,  a  victim  of  false  promises  and  pledges,*  to  make 
room  for  the  more  adaptable  Stokley  whether  the  "  pop- 
ular will  "  desires  it  or  not.  So  the  Mayoralty  struggle 
shall  be  between  Candidate  Stokley  and  Candidate  King 
alone;  the  one  representing  the  selfish  and  detestable 
purposes  of  cunning  ringsters,  and  the  other  the  earnest 
and  honest  objects  of  the  people.  Meantime  aggressive 
Reform,  in  many  ways  and  places,  is  making  itself  felt 
and  where  it  moves  and  acts  there  is  ever  the  same  scared, 
self-betraying  patch-work  defense.  At  Harrisburg  the 
legislature  is  meeting  and  a  bill,  supported  by  the  One 

*"  Some  weeks  ago  I  received  a  *  *  *  nomination  from  the  Union 
League  of  America  and  afterward  the  Kepublican  party  of  this  city  gave 
naesuch  Indorsement  at  the  primary  election  that  my  filends  firmly 
believe  I  had  the  majority."— ^fr.  KeAm's  Letter  to  E.  Joy  Morris,  Feb. 
3d,  1881, 


THE  FATuh  OF   BOSSISM,  211 

Hundred,  has  been  introduced,  providing  that  the  office 
of  Delinquent  Tax  Collector,  with  its  seven  hundred  aud 
twenty  dollars  a  day  emoluments,  shall  be  abolished. 
To  Harrisburg  goes  the  Gas  Trust  Automaton,  Donohugh, 
to  plead  before  Gas  Trust  Legislators,  and  to  make  various 
specious  representations  in  order  that  the  bill  shall  not 
pass;  Automaton  Donohugh,  as  he  interprets  the  law  of  his 
appointment,  having  more  than  a  year's  time  yet  to  serve 
and  not  wishing  to  be  cut  out  of  his  office  and  princely 
fees. 

Which  plea  of  the  sleek  and  well- fed  creature  of 
James  McManes  is  well  received  by  the  McManes  Legis- 
lators who  are  disposed  to  do  as  the  Automaton  wishes 
until  the  revolt  in  Philadelphia  attains  such  proportions 
that  for  the  safety  of  the  ticket  McManesism  is  com- 
pelled to  issue  new  orders.  Accordingly  it  is  willed  that 
not  only  shall  the  Legislators  turn  in  and  appear  to  sup- 
port the  bill  but  that  Tax  Receiver- Expectant  Pierie  shall 
write  a  public  letter  urging  the  passage  of  the  act.  This 
letter  Candidate  Pierie  writes,  accompanying  it  with  a 
flourish  of  anxiety  for  the  fate  of  the  measure,  his  sudden 
prepossession  for  which  excites  the  sarcasm  of  Editor 
McClurc,  who  grimly  advises  him  not  to  run  so 
fast  on  his  Eeform  mission  or  he  may  crack  his 
head  against  the  craniuins  of  other  suddenly-fledged 
Reformers,  bent  on  the  same  errand,  and  sustain  painful 
injury.  Alas  Candidate  Pierie!  Too  good  a  maa  art 
thou  to  be  thrust  forward  as  a  shield  to  McManesism 
against  the  just  wrath  of  the  people  in  this  troublous 
hour.  Not  versed  in  the  ways  of  political  guile  art  thou, 
being  neither  cunning  nor  'hnscrupulou^i,  but  a  modest 
well-esteemed  newspaper  man,  fond  of  tliy  quiet  hour,  thy 


212 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 


fragrant  tobacco  and  genial  companionship.  Strange  are 
the  ways  of  these  men  who  would  have  thee  one  of  them 
and  strange  are  the  things  they  would  have  thee  learn, 
being  beyond  the  forbearance  of  a  nature  honest  and 
frauk  &i  thine.  Not  aptly  wouldst  thou  learn  the  science 
of  making  forty  votes  count  four  thousand,  or  of  ex- 
panding thy  two  or  four  per  cent,  commission  on  tax 
collections  to  twelve  or  fourteen.  Therefore  the  kind 
fates  shall  spare  thee  Candidate  Pierie*  thy  day  of 
salvation  being  that  which  others  may  call  thy  day  of 
discomfiture,  since  man's  discerning  power,  is,  by  imme- 
diate persoual  surroundings,  sometimes  impaired. 

In  proof  of  which  variableness  in  man's  mental  vision 
note  the  prevailing  rumor  of  the  hour,  which  is  to  the 
effect  that  this  Reform  upheaval  is  viewed  complacently 
from  the  pinnacle  of  his  stronghold  in  Washington  by 
the  young  political  proprietor  of  the  S;ate  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  imperious  Cameron ;  who,  though  owing  much 
to  McManesism,  has  suddenly  and  with  vindictive  purpose 
turned  his  back  on  the  Philadelphia  political  leader  for 
reasons  not  remotely  connected  with  the  Chicago  Con- 
vention ;  on  which  occasion  Delegate  McManes  declined 
in  most  emphatic  fashion  to  support  the  pet  candidate  of 
Delegate  Cameron  for  the  National  Presidency,  leading 
a  faction  of  the  Philadelphia  Delegation  in  the  interest 
of  Candidate  Blaine  despite  the  endeavors  of  Delegate 
Cameron    and    his   fellows    to   render    the   entire  state 


*"  Mr.  Pierie  owes  it  to  himself  and  to  his  friends,  who  value  his  good 
qualities  and  name,  to  retire  from  the  contest  and  let  the  bosses  face  the 
Morni  they  have  iirovokeU.  lie  cannot  carry  five  wards  of  tlie  thirty- 
one  against  Jolin  Hum. ^r  and  itis  duuhtl'ul  whether  he  can  carry  one. 
Tlie  contest  is  now  a  sinijie-handeirone,  not  between  George  G.  Pierie 
and  Jolin  Hunter,  but  between  ihe  confederated  bosses  of  both  parties 
and  the  people."  — yiOTCi-,  Feb.  5,  ISSl. 


THE  FALI.  OF  BOSSISM.  213 

Delegation  a  unit  for  tlie  third  term  soldier  candidate, 
Grant.  Hence,  from  an  unexpected  and  quasi-secret 
source  do  the  Reformers,  unaccountably  to  themselves, 
receive  aid ;  the  agitation  culminating  in  the  appointment 
of  a  Councilmauic  Committee  to  investigate  the  Gas 
Trust,  being  conspicuous  evidence  of  an  unseen 
power,  through  whose  stealthy  influence  long-waiting 
Reform  obtains  a  substantial  advantage.  For  the 
Cameron  tool  in  this  secret  onslaught  against  Chief 
McManes  is  sly  and  treacherous,  being  ready  at  any 
moment  to  sink  his  former  political  master,  whose  for- 
tunes, he  imagines,  are  already  waning,  to  please  another 
master,  whose  fortunes,  he  erroneously  believes,  are  in 
the  ascendant. 

Not  without  sympathy  do  we  view  the  case  of 
the  once  iron-handed  McManes.  The  gratitude  of 
the  people  should  be  his,  at  least,  for  that  one  bold 
stand  taken  by  him,  who  knows  so  well  the  artful  ways 
of  politics,  against  the  arrogant  and  self-seeking  King- 
worshippers  who  would  have  carried  the  nation  far  toward 
imperialism,  had  they  been  permitted,  in  that  Convention 
at  Chicago.  Bravely  there  stood  the  Philadelphia  politi- 
cal Chief,  flanked  by  his  section  of  the  divided  Pennsyl- 
vania Delegation,  the  threats  and  the  blandishments  of 
the  arrogant  Cameron  moving  him  not  save  to  more 
obstinate  resistance.  What  better  reason, — if  somewhat 
unusual  for  him^could  Delegate  McManes  give  for  his 
opposition  to  the  candidate  of  Cameronism  than  that 
"the  people  of  his  city  were  opposed  to  a  third  term?  " 
Well  might  he,  for  such  cause,  fight  and,  if  necessary, 
die;  yet,  fighting  and  living,  this  meteor-like  flash  of  the 
divine  in  his  nature  seems  not  less  nobl?.     So  now,  for 


214  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

his  resolute  action,  must  treachery  show  its  horrid  visage, 
skulking  along  in  the  ill-fitting  garb  of  Reform,  half- 
hesitatingly,  in  conscious  self-abasement,  seeking  to  make 
overtures  to  the  One  Hundred  whereby  it  shall  be  ad- 
vanced as  the  power  of  McManes  recedes.  Not  yet, 
however,  are  the  Eeformers  ready  to  accept  this  new 
disciple,  even  the  most  violent  opponents  among  them 
of  the  old  political  leader  shrinking  with  unaffected 
detestation  from  the  cringing  specimen  of  traitorous 
man,  who,  by  the  grace  of  Cameron  on  the  one 
hand,  and  of  the  Reform  Committee  on  the  other,  would 
fain  be  the  iron-willed  McManes'  successor.  Look  to 
matters  well  ye  Reformers  as  ye  tear  down,  that  the 
fawning  hand  of  treachery  does  not  lay  the  foundation 
of  a  new  structure  of  evil,  even  worse  than  that  already 
demolished.  Well  have  ye  said  that  McManes  ye  know, 
and  his  ways  ye  know,  there  being  about  him  not  that 
secret  deceit  which  would  have  you  believe  he  is  not 
what  he  is  or  is  what  he  is  not.  Clearly  defined  is  his 
nature  and  unfamiliar  is  it  to  the  mask  of  hypocrisy ; 
not  requiring  those  who  set  out  to  fight  him,  to  seek  him 
in  ambush,  but  in  the  open  field,  under  colors  which  at 
least  represent  truth  and  not  falsehood. 

Not  remarkable  then  is  it  that  the  Reformers  should 
be  heard  expressing  a  certain  measure  of  respect  for  their 
foe  as  a  brave  fighter,  while  for  the  tool  and  puppet  of 
Cameron,  who  would  win  the  favor  of  his  master,  first, 
by  espousing  the  cause  of  third-termism,  and  turning  a 
deaf  ear  to  the  voice  of  his  constituents  as  a  delegate  and 
next  by  laboring  zealously  in  secret  ways  to  satisfy  the 
private  grudges  of  that  master  that  his  own  interests 
might  be  advanced  thereby,  there  is  nothing  but  rank 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  215 

contempt.  So  moves  on  this  strange  political  struggle 
nearer  and  nearer  to  the  point  of  culmination ;  super- 
fluous candidates  dropping  out  and  superfluous  issues  and 
organizations  merging  with,  essential  ones,  in  accordance 
with  the  laws  of  fitness,  and  all  adding  to  the  force  of  the 
onsweeping  current  which  hut  yesterday  was  no  more 
than  a  babbling  stream.  Bossism,  terror-stricken,  has 
ceased  to  prate  about  "  party  lines"  and  "party  fealty," 
finding  no  audience,  and  has.  as  a  last  resort,  betaken 
itself  to  the  polling  places  there  to  secretly  confer  with 
election  officers  with  a  view  to  a  repetition  of  the  old 
method  of  "  counteracting  "  Eeform  majorities  by  means 
of  a  convenient  system  of  political  arithmetic.  Yet 
least  of  all  is  there  a  chance  of  success  here  for,  to  the 
polling  places  is  the  vigilance  of  the  Reform  Committe 
mainly  directed,  as  the  quiet  mustering  of  a  well-orga- 
nized private  detective  force  attests.  Moreover  is  en- 
ergetic Chairman  John  Field  and  his  Campaign  Com- 
mittee busy  taking  note  of  all  the  various  election  ofiicers, 
to  whom  they  have  sent  circulars  setting  forth  in  clear 
terms  their  ofiicial  duties  and  also  calling  attention  to 
the  legal  penalties  for  neglect  or  violation  of  the  pro- 
visions of  the  election  law;*  and  they  have  also  issued 
a  proclamation,  copies  of  which  may  be  seen  on  the  walls 
and  fences  throughout  the  city,  oifering  rewards  in  money 
for  the  detection  of  any  election  ofiicer  who  violates  the 
law  and  of  any  illegal  voter ;  $10  in  the  case  of  the 


'  *"  Chairman  Field,  of  the  Campaign  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  Is 
»  *  *  about  to  send  circulars  to  every  election  poll  in  the  city.  Every 
official  at  each  poll  will  get  a  circular  which  will  set  forth  his  duties  *  *  * 
as  well  as  the  penalties  for  ne^h'cting  them  and  for  violating  the  law. 
*  *  *  While  tho  circular  is  not  worded  in  terms  of  warnmi;  but  is  rather 
a  plain  statement  of  duty,  no  one  reading  it  can  fail  to  understand  the 
intentions  of  the  Reforniers."— 2Tinkw,  Feb.  10, 1681, 


216  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM; 

former,  and  $5  in  that  of  the  latter.  More  than  this  has 
a  special  committe  consisting  of  Chairman  Garrett  and 
Mr.  Keeres  waited  on  Mr.  District  Attorney  Graham 
and  received  satisfactory  assurance  that  every  case  of 
violation  of  the  election  law,  brought  to  his  attention 
shall  be  investigated  "as  speedily  as  the  cause  of  justice 
will  permit." 

Nor  yet  do  all  the  precautions  for  securing  "a  fair 
expression  of  the  popular  will,"  cease.  For  there  is 
now  on  foot  a  unique  system  originated  by  Secretary 
Ellis  D.  Williams,  of  the  Executive  Committee,  of  can- 
vassing the  city  through  the  modest  agency  of  postal 
cards;  two  hundred  thousand  of  which  are  sent  out 
enclosed  in  envelopes,  to  voters  who  may,  if  they  are 
disposed,  fill  up  certain  blank  space  as  to  the  number  of 
their  ward  and  division  and  as  to  their  names  and  places 
of  residence  and  drop  the  card  into  the  nearest  letter-box, 
the  printed  address  of  "Eobert  E.  Corson,  Secretary, 
927  Chestnut  Street,"  being  sufiicient  surety  as  to  its  safe 
return ;  which  brief  performance  on  the  part  of  the  voter 
is  requested  on  condition  that  he  favors  the  election  of 
John  Hunter  for  Receiver  of  Taxes.  Astonishing  result  I 
The  cards  return  so  fast  that  at  the  Post-Office  there  is  a 
deluge  of  extra  matter  and  hard-worked  carriers  groan 
under  bundles  which  are  a  new  and  somewhat  startling 
revelation  to  them  as  to  the  possibilities  of  the  service ; 
which  experience  is,  happily  for  them,  terminated  by  the 
sympathetic  Reform  Committee,  a  messenger  being 
secured  to  go  to  the  Post-Office  twice  a  day  and  relieve 
the  overburdened  disbursing  department-  at  the   Com- 

*"  Of  the  two  bundFPrt  thoiisanfl  postal  carols  which  were  sent  out  with 
as  many  Iviutc  and  Huuter  circulars  about  sixty  thousand  have  already 
com«  back.    Tea  lliousau<l  siguatures  of  inen  declanug  for  the  Keforw 


l-HE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  217 

mittee's  expense.     Some  "  enthusiastic  citizens  "  sending 
in  reply  cards  so  large  that  they  have  to  be  carried  from 
the  Post- Office  on  the   messenger's  shoulder, — "as  large 
as  a  page  of  Tlie  Tlmes,'^ — on  which  their  Eeform  senti- 
ments have  been  written  in  huge  characters  that  "  he 
who  runs    may   read."      Meantime   at  the  Committee 
headquarters  a  corps  of  clerks  is  necessary  to  take  charge 
of  and  to  classify   the   cards,    each  with  its  ward  and 
division,  that  the  name  and  polling-place  of  every  voter, 
may  be  registered.     Thns,  before  election  day,  do  the 
Reformers  systematically  get  in  communication  with  the 
people.      Still   more,  do  they   so  clearly  ascertain  the 
strength  of  the  Reform  Candidate  Hunter  in  the  wards 
and  divisions  that  they  are   enabled  a  week  before  the 
day  of  final  action  to  approximate,  upon  a  reliable  basis, 
the  number  of  votes  that  will  be  polled  for  Hunter  in 
the  city.      Well   may   the   politicians  view  this  latest 
evidence  of  Reform  sagacity  as  a  startling  revelation. 
Well,  likewise,  may   the  hordes  of  ballot-box  stuffers, 
personators    and    repeaters,    standing    expectantly    by, 
awaiting  the  signal  which  shall  tell  them  to  proceed  to 
their  nefarious  work,  experience  a  sudden  shock  which 
silences  their  bravado  and  bluster  as  they  see  the  obstacles 
which,  in  monumental  proportions,  now  seem  to  confront 
them.    Never  before  did  they  see  so  many  strange  faces 
peering  into  their  rendezvous  and  with  close,  watchful 
glances  taking  note  of  their  every  movement. 
Finally  does  the  Reform  Committee  appeal  to  the 

ticket  came  in  yesterday  in  five  lots.  Had  they  aU  been  broug-ht  up  from 
the  Post-Office  at  once  by  the  Committee's  messenger  he  would  have  had 
a  wheelbarrow  full.  Some  enthusiastic  citizens  have  put  postage  stamps 
on  sheets  of  pasteboard  as  large  as  u  ))age  of  The  Times,  written  their 
Reform  sentiments  in  characters  an  inch  and  a  half  long  aud  mailed  the 
buge  cards  to  Mr.  Corson,  the  Secretary.'  —Timet,  Feb.  10. 


218  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

people  through  the  pulpit,  clear-headed  Francis  B. 
Eeeves  suggesting  in  Executive  Committee  the  idea  of 
sending  circulars  to  clergymen  of  all  denominatioHS,  re- 
questing them  to  preach  a  sermon  on  the  duty  of  citi- 
zens on  election  day ;  which  request  has  a  happy  effect 
and  in  the  church  also  these  days  one  hears  earnest  pro- 
test* against  political  corruption. 

•"The  Rev.  J.  MacLeod,  pastor  of  the  Southwestern  Presbyterian 
Church,  Twentieth  and  Fitzwater  Streets,  preached  a  timely  sermon 
yesterday  morning  ou  the  question  'For  whom  shall  we  vote?'**  *  * 
Mr.  MacLeod  gave  a  synopsis  of  his  three  preceding  discourses  in  which 
he  had  endeavored  to  apply  the  teachings  and  principles  of  the  gospel  to 
men's  duties  as  Christian  citizens.  'If  corruptand  incompetent  men  are  in 
office  how  far  are  citizens  professing  and  calling  themselves  Christians  re- 
sponsible?' on  this  questioujhe  quoted  the  remarks  of  a  writer  to  this  effect . 
'There  never  has  been  a  time  when  the  Christian  influence  was  not 
strong  enough,  in  this  country,  to  carry  any  measure  upon  which  Christ- 
ians would  vigorously  unite.'  '  Either  this  is  true,'  said  the  preacher, 
'or  not  true.  Upon  asking  my  good  friend.  Judge  Allison,  what  he 
thought  of  the  statement,  the  Judge  pronounced  it,  without  hesitation, 
in  Ilia  opinion,  entirely  correct.'  "—Inquirer,  Feb.  7, 1881. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

CONCENTRATING  "POLITICAL  METHODS." 

Needless  is  it  now  McManes,  political  Chief,  to 
attempt  to  stay  the  inevitable  result.  The  day  of  reckon- 
ing has  begun  to  dawn  and  thy  political  household  is 
doomed.  Men  say  thou  gazest  with  not  regretful  eye 
upon  the  impending  fate  of  thy  candidate,  Stokley ;  being 
somewhat  nettled  over  the  act  of  his  witty  Solicitor,  the 
versatile  Rufus  Shapley,  whose  recently  published  politi- 
cal satire  "  Solid  for  Mulhooly," — which,  in  popular  form 
has  portrayed  the  methods  of  thyself,  as  "  Mulhooly,' 
and  of  thy  followers  under  various  burlesque  titles, — has 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  One  Hundred  a  potent  weapon 
for  arousing  the  active  interest  of  the  people,  which  they 
have  not  been  slow  to  use.*  A  boomerang  has  thy 
"Solid  for  Mulhooly"  proved,  Mr.  Shapley,  having  been 
written  by  thee,  Rumor  says,  at  a  time  when  thou  wert 
unduly  convinced  that  thy  client  was  going  to  turn  his 
back  on  his  former  political  associates  and  become 
Reformer,  and  thou  wouldst  in  friendly  spirit  put  out  thy 
book  to  help  him  on  his  way.     Alas  I  that  lawyer  should 


*"  The  undersigned  commend  to  the  attention  and  patronage  of  their 
feUow  citizens  the  entertainment  to  be  given  at  the  Academy  of  Music 
on  Monday  evening,  February  14th.  Besides  the  musical  selections  fur- 
nished by  Carl  Sentz's  orchestra  the  main  feature  thereof  is  the  reading, 
by  Professor  S.  K.  Murdoch,  the  well-known  elocutionist,  of  the  political 
satire  recently  published,  "Solid  for  Mulhooly,"  aa  a  vived  picture, 
sadly  true,  of  the  methods  and  cliaracter  of  the  men  who,  having  pos- 
sessed themselves  of  the  machinery  of  the  party,  have  succeeded  in 
grasping  the  city  by  the  throat.  *  *  *  John  Field,  Francis  B. 
Reeves,  Joshua  L.  Bailv,  Philip  C.  Garrett,  Ellis  D.  Williams,  Robert 
R.  Corson.  John  C.  Watt,  George  D.  McCreary,  John  McLaughlin, 
Rudolph  Blankenburg,  Amos  R.  Little,  Joseph  Parrish,  E.  Dunbar 
Lockwood,  Alex.  Simpson,  Jr.,  Henry  M.  Wetherill,  Jr.,  Joel  J.  Baily, 
Theodore  Justice,  John  J.  Ridgway,  Jr.,  Thomas  G.  Morton,  John  E. 
Gi&eS."—AdvertUement,  Feb.  12, 1881. 


(219) 


220  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

have  so  bad  a  client !  Hadst  thou  known  the  Mayor 
would  continue  in  his  old  course  thou  wouldst  have 
postponed  thy  book  until  a  more  auspicious  time.*  As 
it  is,  thou  doest  thy  best,  and  art  loyal  ti  the  Mayor 
notwithstanding  the  disappointment  to  thy  former  ex- 
pectations; and  may  be  found  now,  night  after  night, 
facing  torchlight  audience,  and  with  thunderous  eloquence 
pleading  the  cause  of  thy  headstrong  candidate, — though 
carefully  avoiding  any  reference  to  Mulhooly, — as 
zealously  as  if  thy  heart  was  in  the  work  and  thy  own 
best  judgment  did  not  disapprove  of  thy  client's  act. 

Yet,  whether  the  Gas  Trust  Chief  is  lukewarm  on  the 
subject  of  Candidate  Stokley  or  not  matters  not;  little 
could  he  do  for  his  cause,  indeed,  against  such  raging 
storm  of  popular  excitement  as  now  sweeps  over  the  old- 
time  city,  accompanied  by  flood  and  reverberations  of 
aroused  human  nature  before  which  the  specious 
voices  of  hireling  apologists  of  crime  and  cor- 
ruption, in  explanation,  in  excuse  and  in  misrepresenta- 
tion as  they  seek  a  hearing  among  the  once  despised  and 
ridiculed  voters  to  plead  the  cause  of  their  masters,  are 
drowned  effectually.  Nor  are  those  masters  free  from  the 
little  arts  that  may  cajole  or  conciliate ;  or  from  that 
which  may  deceive  or  possibly  counteract.  First  do  we 
find  the  order  hastily  sent  to  Harrisburg  to  the  Gas 
Trust  puppets  in  the  Legislature,  commanding  them  to 

*"The  veil  which  has  concealed  the  authorship  of  the  political  satire, 
"  Solid  for  Mulhooly."  has  been  lifted  and  revealfd  the  person  of  Rufus 
E;  Shapley  and  it  iis  a  curious  result  that,  like  Frankenstein,  he  should 
have  created  a  monster  he  could  not  control.  *  *  *  ISIr.  Shapiey  wrote 
the  lampoon  which  has  now  earned  for  its  author  a  national  reputation, 
In  which  the  boss  of  the  Gas  Trust  was  impersonated  in  the  character  of 
Mulhooly.  *  *  *  The  threat  of  McManes  to  defeat  the  ticket  if  the 
Mayor  indorsed  the  principles  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  forced 
Mr.  Stoklev  unwillingly  into  a  position  ot  antagnism  to  the  Com- 
mittee."—Jfinw,  Feb.  20, 1831. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 


221 


join  at  once  the  small  handful  of  Reform  jmembers  in 
support  of  the  bill  abolishing  the  obnoxious  office  of 
Collector  of  Delinquent  Taxes,  in  hope  that  this  evidence 
of  Reform  on  the  part  of  the  ringsters  may  placate  the 
people  and  give  promise  of  a  more  encourageing  result 
in  the  election.*  Vain  expedient  1  The  newspapers  of 
the  city  are  full  of  jeers  and  of  rasping  sarcasm  at  the 
spectacle  of  this  latest  device  which  becomes,  so  far  as 
its  effect  on  the  popular  uprising  is  concerned,  simply  an 
incident  of  the  campaign,  furnishing  Reform  orators  a 
text  whereby  they  may  show  how  boasted  "  leaders  "  may 
be  compelled  to  bow  in  subjection  to  the  people  even 
before  the  rod  of  discipline  is  felt  on  their  hapless 
shoulders. 

Next  do  they  try  misrepresentation,  and  "by  order  of  the 
Republican  City  Executive  Committee,"  is  there  set  afloat 
among  the  people,  through  the  columns  of  several  organs, 
a  carefully  prepared  canard,  purporting  to  show  that 
Candidate  John  Hunter  evades  the  payment  of  his  taxes, 
that  his  property  is  largely  involved,  and  that  such  real 
estate  as  he  has  is  assessed  for  less  than  its  full  valuation ; 
which  canard  has  the  effect  of  bringing  a  reply  from  the 
Assessment  Board  and  from  Candidate  Hunter  himself, 
showing  the  baseless  character  of  the  publication, 
whereupon  the  party  "  leaders  "  are  left  in  a  worse  con- 
dition than  before  having  added  the  title  of  "slanderer" 
to  the  list  of  characterizations  by  which  men  already 
know  them. 

*"  The  sudden  eagerness  of  certain  members  of  the  State  Assembly, 
connected  with  the  political '  bosses '  in  this  city:  to  pass  a  bill  to  reform 
the  *  *  *  Collection  of  Taxes  In  Philadelphia,  is  strong  evidence  that 
the  bosses  are  badly  scared  and  in  order  to  save  themselves  are,  like 
drowning  men,  clutching  at  straws.  Their  movement,  while  being  a 
clear  confession  of  weakness,  comes  too  Isxte.— Sunday  Mercury,  i'eb. 
13. 1881. 


222  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

Of  the  degree  of  desperation  to  which  these  con- 
federated rascals  had  been  wrought  up  as  they  saw  the 
unmistakable  signs  of  a  revolution  which  was  certain  to 
sweep  them  out  of  their  ill-gotten  power  and  prestige, 
and  of  the  positions  of  public  trust  they  had  so  shame- 
fully abused,  this  latest  device  was  perhaps  the  best 
illustration  that  had  appeared  since  they  first  began  to 
know  such  a  thing  as  popular  antagonism.  One  after 
another  the  specious  pretenses  and  counterfeit  principles 
upon  which  their  power  was  built  had  been  torn  away 
by  the  clear  logic  of  such  men  as  Caven,  Page,  Ridgway, 
Steel  and  Walter,  until,  on  the  eve  of  this  election,  they 
stood  upon  the  rotten  fabric  of  their  temple  of  sham  and 
falsehood,  self-confessed  culprits,  stripped  of  the  artificial 
raiment  which  for  so  long  a  time  had  deluded  the  people, 
with  the  choice  either  of  surrendering  peaceably  or  of 
prolonging,  for  a  brief  time,  their  existence  by  a  recourse 
to  a  sort  of  guerilla  warfare  which,  while  it  could  not 
save  them  from  impending  disaster,  would  give  them  the 
dubious  satisfaction  of  indulging  sundry  short-lived 
revenges.  The  latter  alternative  they  chose.  Candidate 
Hunter  being  a  conspicuous  object  of  their  hate.  So 
upon  his  fair  name  and  business  reputation  they  concoct 
this  slander  that  he  evades  payment  of  his  taxes  and  that 
by  concealment  and  subterfuge  he  obtains  from  the  Board 
of  Revision  reductiors  in  the  valuation  of  his  property. 
Strange  fatuity  of  "skilled  politicians!"  The  madness 
which  is  the  reputed  fore-runner  of  destruction  by  the 
gods  is  now  upon  them.  Not  wise  is  this  latest  act  but 
simplest  kind  of  folly,  productive  of  Avhat  men  call  an 
"eggregious  blunder."*     Had  they  been  susceptible  to 

*"  Of  all  the  many  lame  devices  of  the  bosses  to  deceive  the  people  and 
flefeat  John  Hunter  for  Tax  Beceiver  decidedly  the  lamest  is  the  widely 


THE  PALIi  OF  BOSSISM.  228 

the  teachings  of  experience  they  might  have  saved  them- 
selves. Councilman  Hunter,  even  at  the  moment  the 
calumny  was  put  forth,  stood  as  the  example  of  a  man  pros- 
perous under  vilification.  There  was  a  time,  when,  in  his 
own  Twenty-fourth  ward  he  was  up  for  re-election  to 
Councils,  upon  which,  by  strategy  and  fraud,  this  same 
agency  of  corruption  endeavored  to  defeat  him  but  only 
succeeded,  through  the  same  propensity  for  blundering,  in 
sending  him  into  Councils  by  a  trebled  majority  ;  having 
first,  with  smirking  deceit,  given  him  the  regular  party 
nomination  and  professed  to  be  laboring  for  his  re-election 
until  a  time  within  four  and  twenty  hours  of  the  election, 
when,  in  the  arbitrary  spirit  of  despotism,  they  throw 
him  off  the  ticket,  substituting  a  more  subservient  man, 
and  give  the  word  to  their  hirelings  at  the  polls  to  see 
that  Candidate  Hunter  is  defeated ;  which  act  so  arouses 
the  people  that  they  turn  out,  Democrat  and  Republican 
alike,  and  re-elect  Councilman  Hunter  by  a  larger 
majority  than  has  ever  been  known  in  the  Ward.  So, 
shall  they  now,  learning  nothing  from  the  past,  repeat 
their  blunder  with  tenfold  more  disastrous  effect  as  the 
end  shall  prove. 

Such  chance  as  now  remains  of  breaking  the  force  of 
the  storm  raging  about  them  lies  in  money.     If  there 

distributed  sheet  with  the  caption  'John  Hunter's  Back  Taxes.'  *  *  * 
The  statements  are  not  only  false  but  worse;  they  display  a  malignity 
that  cannot  well  be  conceived  by  fair-minded  men.  Public  opinion  is 
expressing  itself  In  regard  to  the  publication  so  unmistakably  that 
Instead  of  injuring  IMr.  Hunter  at  the  polls  it  will  add  thousands'to  his 
already  well-assured  large  majority."— i'uenmfif  Ular,  Feb.  14. 

"  Mr.  Hunter  has  thought  it  worth  while— without  necessity  as  we 
ttlr.k— to  dignify  an  anonymous  attack  upon  his  business  standing  by 
giving  it  reply  in  any  pan.  The  anonymous manufacturersoftheattack 
Bay  that  Mr.  Hunter  is  not  so  rich  a  man  as  some  people  think  he  is. 
That  certainly  would  be  drt^adfnl  if  it  were  true;  but,  whether  he  is  rich 
or  not  so  very  rich,  he  is  the  right  man  to  set  the  Tax  Ollice  to  rights." 
—Zedger,,  Feb.  14.^ 


224  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

lurks  anywhere  in  the  intricate  labyrinths  of  their 
political  methods  an  exjiedient,  however  trivial,  it  will 
be  reached.  Their  ponderous  coffers  are  overflowing  with 
gold,  not  procured  as  "  voluntary  contributions "  from 
bankers  and  merchants  and  such  deluded  and  interested 
ones  alone,  but  wrung  by  the  stern  mandate  of  authority 
from  the  lean  pockets  of  policemen  and  luckless  em- 
ployees in  the  various  public  Departments,  that  the 
ballot  may  be  debauched,  and  that  official  corruption, 
fraud  and  mis-management,  may  be  perpetuated.  Ill 
goes  it  with  these  men,  policemen,  clerks  and  messengers, 
and  such,  in  public  Departments  if  they  refuse  to  con- 
tribute, not  even  such  small  amount  as  their  circum- 
stances might  prompt,  but  such  large  amount,  equivalent 
in  some  instances  almost  to  a  monthly  salary,  as  their 
political  masters  shall  fix.*    Secretly  do  these  employees, 

*"  The  policemen  have  been  assessed  $20  per  man  and  the  officers  more 
than  this,  li  is  asserted  that  an  extra  assessment  of  $:iO  more  per  man 
lias  been  made,  but  if  so  it  has  been  kept  so  quiet  that  the  public  cannot 
get  the  i)roof.  But  $20  per  man  will  yield  nearly  $30,000  and,  besides  this, 
the  Bcievvs  have  been  applied  to  the  clerks  and  letter-carriers  in  the 
Post-Office,  to  the  employes  in  tlie  Custom.  House  and  Mint,  and  to  all 
th(;se  in  the  t'ity  Departments.  *  *  *  The  total  will  aggregate  $200,000. 
*  *  *  The  legitimate  expenses  of  the  'regular'  Kepublicans  will  not 
amount  to  ?10,000. 

"This  election  will  without  doubt  be  the  most  corrupt  one  ever  held 
in  Philadelphia  for  it  is  desperation  with  the  '  ring  bosses '  and  they  will 
fight  the  Reform  movement  to  the  death  with  money  wrung  from  tlie 
pockeisof  their  thousands  of  ollicial  slaves  and  retainers.  Itis  doubtful 
if  they  will  spend  more  than  $1(10,000  of  this  fund,  but  will  pretend  that 
it  was  all  spent  and  pocket  the  balance.  *  *  *  Nobody  knows  how  much 
they  collect  or  now  much  they  spend.  They  are  never  called  on  to 
account  for  it,  and  if  a  balance  of  ,f50,000  or  $100,000  is  left  over  they  can 
divide  it  among  themselves  and  tiobody  U  any  the  wiser."— Tactraj-t's 
Sunday  Times,  Feb.  13, 1881. 

"The  use  if  money  in  elections  beyond  defraying  all  necessary 
expenses  has  reached  a  fearful  eitentin  this  country  and,  unless  checked, 
civil  rights  in  this  land  will  be  ultimately  destroyed  by  the  power  of 
wealih  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  a  few  capitalists  and  corporations. 
Therecent  extortion  of  upwards  of  $:ii),000  from  the  policemen  of  this 
city  to  prevent  a  reform  in  the  municipal  administration  is  the  latest 
instance  of  this  atrocious  method  of  employing  money  unlawfully  to 
defeat  the  voice  (if  llir  jioople  in  the  clioice  of  municipal  officers,  and 
should  he  nscntcd  by  the  'laxjiayirs  ol  all  parties  as  an  offence  a«aiiist 
tlieir  frcLduiu  and  w'cliixrti." —iSnnday  Mtrcuri/,  Feb.  13, 1881. 


THE  FALL  OT"  BOSSISM.  •  225 

or  rather  these  "white  slaves,"  groan  beneath  their  humhle 
roofs,  screening,  in  soma  cases,  sad  wan:  and  poverty,  and 
touching  instances  of  hidden  sacrifice,  that  their  "  free 
city"  must  continue  prostrate  and  helpless  under  the 
power  of  such  human  leeches,  who  have  drained,  and 
are  draining,  so  much  of  its  red  life-blood,  causing  it  to 
flow  in  sparse  and  sluggish  streams  so  pitiful  to  eyes 
which  have  beheld  in  the  realms  of  the  seemingly  for- 
gotten past  the  sturdy.  Titan-like  image  of  a  young  city, 
rearing  its  head  through  a  halo  of  glory  to  the  sky,  the 
theme  of  wonder  and  of  inspiring  praise  throughout 
human  civilization,  in  the  young  Western  world.  Secretly, 
too,  do  these  men  bemoan  to  the  One  Hundred  their 
unhappy  condition,  imploring  them,  as  they  value  human 
rights  and  liberty  to  rescue  them  from  the  remorseless 
thrall  in  which,  through  the  indifference  of  their  quiet, 
ease-loving  citizen  brothers,  they  have  languished.  Not 
unresponsive  nor  ineffectual  do  their  voices  fall  upon  the 
ears  of  the  Reformers.  Carefully  have  the  wisest  heads 
of  the  Reform  organization  been  considering  this  question 
of  the  corrupt  use  of  money  by  the  ringsters  whose  con- 
dition has  now  reached  the  desperate  stage  of  veritable 
outlaws,  and  in  thunder  tones  of  warning  does  the 
Reform  Committee  speak.*     Through  the  newspapers  and 

♦CITIZEN'S   CAMPAIGN   COMMITTEE, 

929  Chestnut  Street, 

PUILADELPHIA,  FEB.  11th,  1881. 

PROCLAMATION !  I 

The  Committee  of  One  Hundred  announces  that  it  is  pledged  to  the 
Citizens  of  Philadelphia  to  prosecute  every  electioi  officer  who  fails  to 
do  his  duty  and  every  illetral  volt  r  lit  theonniinf;  election. 

Those  who  are  now  bniui;  solicited  or  directed  to  do  wrong,  or  those 
inteniiing  to  do  so,  froiu  any  reason  whatever,  will  tiKe  notice  that 
punishment  shall  swiftly  follow  any  oll'ense  against  the  purity  of  the 
ballot. 

JOHN  FIELD, 

Chairman  of  Campaign  Committee. 
PHILIP  C.  <iAKRF;TT, 
—Advertisement,  Chairman  Com.  of  One  Hundred- 


226  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

through  circulars  and  hand-bills,  in  several  languages, 
are  the  workers  of  corruption  admonished ;  while  private 
detectives  gather  information  and  make  their  reports 
daily  at  the  Reform  headquarters.  Such  activity  and 
earnestness  among  the  Reformers  is  beginning  to 
produce  a  like  effect  upon  miscellaneous  citizens  who 
likewise  transform  themselves  into  detectives  and  make 
report  of  what  they  hear  to  Chairman  Field's  Committee ; 
which  activity  is  believed  to  be  viewed  with  consternation 
by  those  contemplating  wholesale  fraud. 

Well  is  it  that  the  Reformers  have  thus  become  argus- 
eyed ;  for  the  ringsters  have  concentrated  all  their  re- 
sources and  among  them  are  many  that  are  difficult  to 
detect,*  or  if  detected,  hard  to  counteract.  Meantime, 
journalism  at  this  time  is  wide  awakef  and  through  such 
medium,  likewise,  are  the  despoilers  of  men's  rights 
warned,  not  without  cause,  as  may  appear. 

"To  THE  Citizens  of  Philadelphia.— Overwhelming  evidence  of 
stupenciuous  corruption  of  eleciiou  officers  by  the  lavish  use  of  money 
has  come  to  the  Ijnowledge  of  this  Committee.  To  punish  offenders  and 
to  maintain  the  sacred  purity  of  the  ballot  we  earnestly, request  that  any 
citizen  in  possession  of  information  of  fraud  or  corruption  of  any  bind 
will  forward  it  at  once  to  John  Field.  Chairman  of  the  Campaign 
Committee,  No.  929  Chestnut  Street. 

PHILIP  C.  GARKETT, 

Chairman  Com.  of  One  Hundred." 
—A  dvertisement. 

*  JOHN    HUNTER! 

NOT 

HUNT  OR    HUNTHR. 
"  The  tickets, '  Stokley,  West  and  Hunter'  *  *  *  have  in  many  cases  Mr. 
Hunter's  name  purposely  mis-spelled.    Examine  your  tickets.    This  is  a 
trick  of  the  bosses. 

JOHN  FIELD, 
—Advertisement.  Chairman  Citizen's  Campaign  Committee." 

t"  The  exposure  by  The  Times  of  the  attempt  to  debauch  Democrats 
in  the  First  Ward  suggests  what  has  been  going  on  all  over  the  city.  An 
essential  part  of  the  campaign  has  been  an  unremitting  effort  to  sneak  in 
the  'ring'  nominees  by  the  help  of  Democrats  who  may  be  willing  fo 
sellout.  The  first  attempt  was  made  in  the  Democratic  Conventions, 
when  the  Republican '  bosses '  insisted  on  straight-out  Democratic  nomi- 
nations and  would  not  listen  to  anything  i^lae?'—Ch,ronicleSerald,  Feb. 
15, 1881. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

THE  NEW  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

Well  is  it  ye  Reformers  that  at  the  polls  on  this  election 
day,  15th  of  February,  year  1881,  ye  have  your  watchers, 
not  hired  detectives  alone  but  private  citizens,  many  of 
them  of  your  own  organization ;  sleek  lawyer,  banker, 
merchant,  manufacturer  and  mechanic,  closing  office  and 
workshop  and  turning  out  in  twos  and  threes  to  do  work 
for  the  cause  of  free  government  and  men's  sacred  rights.* 
Well  is  it  that  ye  have,  through  your  circular  and 
postal  card  device,  canvassed  the  city  and  gathered 
knowledge  uf  your  strength  even  in  remote  precincts; 
and  well  is  it  too  that  ye  have  this  day,  sitting  at  head- 
quarters, prepared  for  emergency  your  Campaign 
Committee,  zealous  John  Field  at  its  head,  ready  on  a 
moments  notice  of  fraud  or  intimidation  of  voters  in  any 
of  the  divisions,  where  Reform  scouts  and  detectives  are 
argus-like,  noting  men's  movements,  to  communicate 
with  the  Court  Judges,  sitting  as  Committing  Magistrates, 
that  warrants  may  be  issued  and  bailiffs  dispatched 
forthwith,  and  long-existing  barriers  to  a  free  ballot  thus 
removed. 

All  day,  throughout  the  city,  on  curbstone  and  corner, 
and  other  wonted  lounging  places,  holiday-like,  has  the 
murmur  of  excited  men  been  heard;  anxious  inquiries 
for  news  from  wards  and  divisions ;  speculation  over  in- 
cidents which,  thick  and  fast,   are  borne  hither  and 

*"  In  one  of  the  largest  wholesale  houses  on  Market  street  is  posted 
the  following  notice:  '  This  store  will  be  closed  on  Tuesday,  Feb.  loth, 
BO  that  all  connected  with  it  naay  assist  in  rescuing  the  city  from  ring 
rule  with  which  it  has  been  so  long  oppressed !  "Sunday  I'ress  and 
Mirror  of  the  Times,  Feb.  6th,  1881. 

^227) 


228  THB  FALL  OF   BOSSISM. 

thither  on  the  wings  of  Eumor,  and  predictions  over  the 
day's  results  as  varied  as  the  winds  in  this  uncertain 
February  weather.  Among  the  people  there  is  an  ap- 
pearance of  enthusiasm  and  of  confidence  not  witnessed 
on  such  occasions  for  many  a  day.  Long  have  they  been 
going  to  the  polls  hopeful  and  jubilant,  placing  in  the 
ballot  boxes  votes  for  honest  officials  and  pure  government 
which  votes  have  gone  for  naught,  having  never  been 
counted.  Yet  now  is  the  order  of  things  somewhat 
changed.  Sullen  and  defiant,  srruggles  Bossism,  the  hydra- 
headed,  its  secret  schemes  and  compacts  and  bread-and- 
butter  dependencies  no  longer  representing  an  infallible 
counteracting  force  in  its  disgracefully  corrupt  system. 
The  counteracting  scheme  today  is  itself  counteracted. 
Hopeful  Reformers,  flying  from  one  Ward  to  another 
behind  fleet  horses,  in  random  vehicles,  are  hearing  much 
that  is  encouraging,  their  brother  Eeformers  being  in- 
variably found  in  high  spirits  and  seeming  to  enjoy 
right  well  the  new  experience  with  politics,  particularly 
as  the  people  themselves  are  furnishing  an  example  of 
the  majesty  of  citizenship  which  is  pleasant  to  contem- 
plate. A  new  experience  is  it, generally ;  to  the  peace- 
able voter  is  it  new  not  alone  because  of  his  feeling  that 
his  vote  is  likely  to  be  counted,  but  from  the  fact  that  he 
is  enabled  to  walk  up  to  the  ballot  box  and  vote  for  whom 
he  pleases  without  being  hustled  away  by  the  police  as  a 
law  breaker.  For  the  police  are  to-day,  it  is  observed,, 
less  active  than  usual  in  their  zeal  for  the  party  ticket, 
and  in  most  instances  observe  the  strict  letter  of  the  law 
and  keep  a  proper  distance  from  the  polling  places.* 

*"  No  policetuan  has  a  right  to  be  nearer  to  a  polling  place  than  thirty 
feet.  Policemen  make  it  H  practice  to  get  as  close  as  they  please,  and 
they  are  'ery  rarely  disturbed.  Insist  on  obedience  tolbelawaud  Oiake 
the  police  stand  iisi,cK,"~Chronicle--Heratd,  Feb.  15. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM.  229 

So  through  the  day  the  work  of  revolution  goes  on. 
High  is  the  flood  rising,  and  with  ominous  lapping 
sounds  are  the  strong,  aggressive  currents  doing  their 
legitimate  work.  What  latent  power  lurks  in  thousands 
of  little  slips  of  paper  1  Fluttering  into  sundry  square 
boxes  there  is  being  told  in  mute  "sign  language"  as  we 
regard  language,  the  story  of  years  of  public  corruption 
and  mismanagement.  Words  after  all  are  weak ;  speech 
inefficient;  action  alone  powerful.  Strong,  forcible,  nay 
invincible,  are  these  tiny  slips  of  paper,  fraught  as  they 
are  with  destiny,  endowed  with  a  power  which  brings  the 
proudest  to  the  dust,  which  hurls  the  most  arrogant  from 
their  seat  of  authority,  and  sternly  commands  obedience 
to  its  will.  Such  majesty  does  the  ballot  possess,  being 
not  tampered  with.  Degraded  and  abused  by  modern 
political  methods  it  loses  its  sovereign  attribute  and 
becomes  the  creature  and  the  jest  of  political  tricksters 
who  well  may  afford  to  laugh  the  peoples'  wishes  to  scorn. 
All  sufficient  is  it  for  good,  being  rightly  used  ;  all-power- 
ful for  evil,  being  perverted. 

Seeing  which  rejuvenated  majesty  of  the  ballot  once 
more  appear  the  aflrighted  minions  of  the  bosses  desert 
their  masters  and  seek  to  make  terms  or  compromises  with 
Reformers  by  which  they  may  secure  their  own  preserva- 
tion. Hundreds  thus  turn  against  their  patrons  even  with 
the  money  of  those  patrons  distending  their  pockets.  Com- 
promise or  no  compromise  they  will  turn,  for  apt  and 
ready  are  they  at  worshipping  the  "new  king"  once  his 
presence  becomes  known  to  them,  and  never  shall  king 
witness  more  fawning  and  flattery  than  accompanies 
these  time-serving  new  recruits.  Even  Candidate 
Hunter,  the    especial  object  of  abuse  and  vilificatioOj 


230  THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 

shall  find  his  maligners  appear  before  him  within  four' 
and-twenty  hours  with  smirking  and  scraping  and  obse- 
quious bowing  to  "tender  congratulation,"  accompanied 
by  assurance  that  he  of  all  others  is  the  one  whose  success 
they  desired ;  which  pure  and  simple  hypocracy  may  ever 
be  relied  upon  as  having  its  origin  in  a  not  entirely  dis- 
interested or  gratuitous  motive  as  subsequent  develop- 
ments almost  invariably  prove.* 

This  desertion  of  the  sinking  ship  of  Bossism  was  one 
of  the  noteworthy  things  of  the  contest ;  foreshadowing 
beyond  preadventure  the  election's  result.  Behold  now, 
as  evening  advances,  the  streets  alive  with  moving 
throngs  of  people,  with  'parading  processions  of  citizens 
bearing  transparancies  and  banners  with  inspiring 
mottoes,  as  "A  Government  of  the  people,  by  the 
the  people  and  for  the  people,"  "The  will  of  the  people 
is  supreme,"  "No  more  pollution  of  the  Ballot,"  and  vari- 
ous other  patriotic  sentiments ;  which  transparancies  and 
moving  throngs  of  people  are  rendered  striking  and  im- 
pressive by  torchlight  illumination.  Through  long  lines  of 
applauding  citizens,  ever  increasing  in  number  and  in  en- 
thusiasm, the  soldiers  of  the  ballot  carry  thus  impressively 
the  news  throughout  the  city;  news  of  the  defeat  of 
Bossism  and  of  the  atrocious  Gas-Trust-Tax-OfSce  combi- 
nation, with  all  its  despotic  power  and  far-reaching  influ- 
ences for  corruption. 

*"  Now  a  quiet  word  to  our  bosses.  *  *  *  You  wiU  be  arraigned  before 
the  bar  of  public  opinion  in  the  outraged  Republican  party  lor  deliber- 
ately sacrificing  it  in  your  desperate  and  hopeless  efforts  to  shield  your 
guilt  in  its  ruin.  The  very  hounds  you  have  fed  in  your  bounty  with  ill- 
gotten  spoils  will  be  the  first  to  turn.  *  *  *  How  will  you  answer  to  the 
thousands  of  hungry  office-holders  who,  debauched  by  your  patronage 
until  unfit  for  the  sober  duties  of  an  honest  livlihood,  will  be  converted 
by  hunger  I  an  easy  transition)into  a  horde  of  incarnate  furies?  *  *  * 
The  settlement  you  have  to  make  with  the  people  at  large  can  be  done  by 
a  restitution  of  your  bonds,  lands,  houses  andstocks.  The  Courts  of  law 
will  talte  car©  of  that,"— SMnctuy  Transcript,  Feb.  6, 18S1. 


THE  FALL  OF  BOSSISM. 


231 


At  tlie  rooms  of  the  One  Hundred  this  night  there  are 
scenes  which  recall  what  we  read  of  patriotic  demonstra- 
tions attending  the  signing  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. There  have  the  Committee  assembled  "around 
a  long  table,"  telegraphic  instrument  before  them,  the 
atmosphere  electrical,  the  appearance  and  surroundings 
of  the  assembled  ones  betokening  the  intensity  of  sup- 
pressed excitement.  Not  long  suppressed  I  The  hour  is 
past  eight  and  soon  the  instruments  begins  to  click.  News 
it  brings  which  causes  that  pent  up  excitement  to  break 
forth  with  thrilling  effect,  in  tumultuous  cheers.  In  front 
of  the  head-quarters  on  the  street  a  crowd  gathers.  A 
transparancy  has  been  thrown  out  from  the  windows, 
upon  which,  with  magic  lantern,  the  Committee  tells  the 
story  of  victory.  King  and  Hunter  have  been  elected, 
the  former  with  nearly  six  thousand  majority.  Hunter 
with  a  majority  of  more  than  twenty  thousand  I  The 
only  candidate  of  the  Regular  Republican  Conventions 
who  has  been  elected  is  City  Solicitor  West,  whose  candi- 
dacy the  One  Hundred  did  not  oppose,  leaving  Reformers 
free  to  exercise  their  choice  between  him  and  Candidate 
Worrell. 

Meanwhile  the  cry  arises  for  the  two  successful  Reform 
candidates,  Hunter  and  King.  The  first  is  soon  found 
and  brought  to  the  One  Hundred  headquarters,  being  re- 
ceived with  cheers  and  the  wildest  demonstrations  of 
enthusiasm  from  the  people  on  the  street  as  well  as  from 
the  Reformers  within. 

Mayor-elect  King  is  not  so  easily  found.  Friends 
search  for  him,  but  cannot  find  him ;  no  one  has  seen 
him  since  the  afternoon.  Finally  he  is  found ;  a  shrewd 
newspaper  man  discovers  him,  at  eleven  oiclock  at  night. 


232  THE   FALL   OF   BOSSISM. 

not  in  the  midst  of  tlie  noise  and  tumult,  but  peacefully 
asleep  at  his  home,  unconscious  of  the  news  which  has 
set  the  city  wild.  The  tapping  at  his  door  finally  arouses 
him,  not  to  inquire  about  the  result  of  the  election,  but 
to  ask  "what  in  the  world"  the  visitor  wants.  "  You  are 
elected  Mayor,  sir,  and  the  people  are  clamoring  for  you," 
says  the  visitor.  "  You  don't  say  so !  "  responds  the  aston- 
ishea  man. 

To  the  headquarters  of  the  One  Hundred  the  Mayor- 
elect  goes,  showing  no  trace  now  of  sleepiness,  and  is  there 
received  officially  by  the  Campaign  Committee's  Chair- 
man, John  Field,  Chairman  Garrett  having  gone  home. 
After  Mr.  Field's  brief  speech  of  congratulation,the  Mayor- 
elect  responds,  likewise  briefly,  and  satisfactory  words 
does  he  utter  for  the  ears  of  the  long  misused  policemen. 
"The  police  force  under  my  administration,"  says  the 
Mayor-elect,  "  shall  be  non-partisan,  and  no  man  shall 
be  removed  without  good  and  sufficient  cause." 

(the  end  of  volume  I.) 


APPENDIX. 


Died  suddenly  on  the  16th  of  August,  1883,  in  Ke-w  York, 
Charles  "Wheeler,  of  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Wheeler,  accom- 
panied by  his  sou  and  a  friend,  was  on  his  way  from  his 
summer  residence  at  Newport  to  Philadelphia,  the  party 
having  landed  from  a  Newport  boat  on  the  morning  of 
the  fatal  day.  Being  anxious  to  catch  a  train  for  Phila- 
delphia they  started  on  a  run  for  the  ferryboat,  before 
reaching  which  Mr.  "Wheeler  staggered  and  fell.  He  was 
taken  up  and  carried  into  the  nearest  building  where  he 
died  in  about  ten  minutes,  the  cause  of  his  death  being  pro- 
nounced by  the  physicians  apoplexy.  The  news  of  the 
event,  when  it  reached  Philadelphia,  produced  a  shock 
throughout  the  entire  community.  Mr.  "Wheeler  was  identi- 
fied with  many  business  interests  in  Philadelphia,  being 
Vice-President  of  the  Central  National  Bank,  one  of  the 
principal  members  of  the  iron  firm  ot  ^lorris  Tasker  &  Co., 
and  being  besides  Director  in  many  Iron  and  Insurance 
Companies  in  which  he  was  financially  concerned.  He  was 
one  of  the  earliest  members  of  the  old  Citizens'  Municipal 
Reform  Association,  and  later,  of  the  Citizens'  Committee  of 
One  Hundred,  by  which  his  loss  was  severely  felt.  He  was 
a  man  greatly  respected  by  ail  who  knew  him;  his  modest 
disposition  united  with  large  benevolence  rendering  him 
an  object  of  admiration  and  esteem  by  people  of  all  classes. 
Of  his  exceptional  character  Mr.  Henry  C.  Lea,  one  of  his 
oldest  and  most  intimate  associates  in  the  work  of  He  form 
thus  writes: 

"The  cause  of  Reform  in  Philadelphia  has  sustained  a 
severe  loss  in  the  recent  and  sudden  death  of  Mr  Charles 
Wheeler.  American  citizenship  had  no  worthier  represen- 
tative than  him.  The  large  and  successful  business  enter- 
prises which  he  couducted,  which  serve  so  generally  as  an 
excuse  for  neglecting  political  duties,  never  prevented  him 

(I) 


Tt  APPENDIX. 

from  taking'  his  share  in  the  effort  to  elevate  the  standard  of 
public  life.  He  was  one  of  the  few  men  who  in  1871  ad- 
dressed themselves  to  the  apparently  hopeless  task  of 
arousing  public  opinion  to  the  necessity  of  non-partisan 
action  in  municipal  affairs  ;  and  from  that  time  forward  he 
served  as  Treasurer  to  the  Municipal  Keform  Association, 
taking  an  active  part  in  its  struggles,  undismayed  by  defeat, 
never  discouraged  by  ill-success,  and  ever  ready  with  his 
purse  and  his  counsel  to  carry  on  the  contest  against  the 
powers  which  controlled  so  absolutely  the  politics  and  the 
government  of  the  city.  "When,  in  November,  1880,  the 
second  election  cf  Mr.  Pattison,  the  Democratic  candidate 
for  the  Controllership,  showed  that  the  harvest  was  ripe  for 
the  sickle,  and  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  was  organized 
to  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity,  Mr.  Wheeler's  co- 
operation was  regarded  as  a  matter-of-course  and  was  freely 
given  up  to  the  period  of  his  untimely  death." 

Extracts  from  Minutes,  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  August 
19,  1883: 

At  a  special  meeting  of  the  Citizens'  Committee  of  One 
Hundred  held  this  day  at  927  Chestnut  street,  to  take  action 
on  the  death  of  Charles  Wheeler  *  *  *  the  Chair  appointed 
the  following  Committee  to  draft  resolutions  to  submit  to  the 
meeting,  viz:  Messrs.  John  Field,  George  H.  Earle,  Robert 
E.  Corscn,  John  McLaughlin  and  Rudolph  Blankenburg. 

The  Committee  reported  as  follows  : 

"The  sad  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Charles  Wheeler, 
who  has  been  so  long  and  so  prominently  connected  with 
us  in  the  Reform  movement  having  reached  us,  the  members 
of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  wish  to  put  on  record: — 

"  FiKST.  Their  high  appreciation  of  his  long  and  active 
service  in  the  work  ot  Reform,  with  rare  modesty,  and  with- 
out personal  ambition.  He  was  always  ready  with  wise 
counsel,  active  personal  service  and  open-handed  liberality 
to  promote  the  objects  of  our  Association. 

"  Second.  That  as  a  public  spirited  citizen  he  was  ever 
ready  to  encourage  all  projects  that  looked  to  the  advance- 
ment of  the  interests  of  his  native  city. 

"Third.  That  h(^  bad  endeared  himself  personally  to  each 
o«f  us,  as  a  cherished  friend,  and  we  shall  ever  rejoice  in  our 
recollection  of  him  as  a  most  unselfish  and  noble  citizen. 

"  Fourth.  That  our  heart-felt  sympathies  are  tendered  to 
the  stricken  household,  the  widow  and  children.  In  this  sad 
and  sudden  bereavement  we  can  only  commend  them  for 
Qomfort  to  the  '  loving  Father  who  doeth  all  things  well,'" 


APPENDIX.  Ill 

Mr.  Blankenburg,  in  seconding  the  resofutions,  spoke  of 
the  valuable  services  of  Mr.  Wheeler  in  the  Committee  of 
One  Hundred  and  of  his  many  virtues  as  a  citizen. 

Messrs.  McLaughlin  and  Corson  followed,  speaking  of  the 
services  rendered  by  Mr.  Wheeler  in  the  cause  of  Reform, 
not  only  as  a  memljer  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred, 
but  formerly  as  a  member  of  the  Municipal  Keform  Associa- 
tion. Messrs  Robert  Purvis  and  William  Arrott  also  spoke 
of  th«  many  excellent  qualities  of  the  deceased. 

The  resolutions  were  adopted  by  a  rising  vote. 

On  motion,  it  was  resolved  that  a  copy  of  the  Resolutions 
be  transmitted  to  the  family  of  the  deceased.  It  was  also 
resolved  that  the  Committee  attend  the  funeral. 

From  Minutes  Executive  Committee  of  Citizens'  Municipal 
Reform  Association,  September  5, 1883. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Citizens' 
Municipal  Reform  Association,  comprising  Henrv  C.  Lea, 
R.  Rundle  Smith,  Wm.  Henry  Rawle,  Edward  R.  Wood, 
Henry  B.  Tatham,  George  H.  Earle,  John  J.  Ridgway,  Jr., 
John  McLaughlin,  Henry  C.  Thompson,  T.  Morris  Perot, 
Chairman  and  L.  P.  Ashmead,  Secretary,  the  following  re- 
solutions, offered  by  Henry  C.  Lea,  were  unanimously 
adopted: 

Whereas,  The  Executive  Committee  of  the  Citizens'  Mii- 
nicipal  Reform  Association  has  lost,  in  the  death  of  Charles 
Wheeler,  one  of  its  oldest  and  most  efficient  members; 
therefore 

Resolved,  First.  That  the  intimate  association  which  we 
have  enjoyed  with  him  since  the  organization  of  this  Com- 
mittee in  1871  has  deeply  impressed  us  with  a  sense  of  his 
unbending  rectitude,  of  his  delicate  sense  of  honor,  of  his 
steadfastness  of  purpose,  of  his  unselfish  public  spirit,  of 
the  cheerful  readiness  with  which,  amid  large  private  enter- 
prises, he  could  always  find  time  and  attention  for  public 
duties,  of  the  soundness  of  his  judgment,  and  the  wisdom  of 
his  counsel. 

Second.  That  we  shall  always  cherish  his  memory  as 
that  of  a  highly-prized  friend  and  associate,  whose  loss  is 
irreparable,  not  only  to  tho^e  who  had  the  advantage  of  his 
personal  acquaintance,  but  to  the  community  at  large, 
whose  caute  he  served  so  ably  and  unobtrusively. 

THfKD.  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  sent  to  the 
family  of  the  deceased,  with  the  assurance  of  our  profound- 
est  sympathy  with  their  bereavement. 


ly  APPENDIX. 

PBESIDENT  CAVEN"   ON  THE  CONTEOLLEKSHIP. 

The  time  is  within  three  clays  of  the  Presidential  election 
of  1880.  The  unorganized  Reformers,  Republican  and  Dem- 
ocratic, while  enthusiastic  over  their  National  tickets  are, 
with  reference  to  their  local  affairs  somewhat  downcast.  The 
term  of  Mr.  Pattison's  administration  as  City  Controller, 
which  position  he  has  filled  with  signal  satisfaction  to 
the  Taxpayers  for  the  past  three  years,  is  expiring  and 
though  he  has  been  re-nominated  by  his  party,  there  is  a 
•jvide-spread  fear  among  the  Reformers  that  amidst  the  con- 
tention and  strife  over  National  issues  voters  will  not  have 
the  presence  of  mind  to  discriminate  in  the  matter  of  this 
important  office,  and  that  the  ringsters  will  thus  succeed  in 
getting  a  weak  and  subservient  man  elected  as  Controller. 
In  this  emergency  Councilman  Hauter  and  other  Republi- 
cans appear  and  canvass  among  citizens  of  the  Republican 
party  in  the  interest  of  Controller  Pattison's  re-election. 
The  final  eff"ort  in  his  behalf  is  a  widely  advertised  Inde- 
pendent Republican  meeting  held  on  the  30th  of  October,  three 
days  before  the  Presidential  election,  in  Horticultural  Hall. 
The  getting  up  of  this  meeting  had  not  been  unattended  with 
difficulty,  chief  of  which  was  the  securing  of  a  presiding 
officer  and  speakers.  At  first  the  efi'ort  was  made  to  obtain 
as  Chairman  Citizen  Eli  K.  Price,  the  "Nestor  of  the  Phila- 
delphia bar"  but  he  declines.  Finally  tlie  originators  of'the 
affair  get  hold  of  Edward  T.  Steel,  President  of  the  Board  of 
Education.  Courageous  in  the  expression  of  his  convictions, 
unalterably  opposed  to  the  ringsters  and  to  the  obnoxious 
methods  of  his  party,  Mr.  Steel,  regardless  of  probable  con- 
sequenccG,  accepts.  He  it  is  who  was  lately  the  superin- 
tendent of  the  census  system  in  the  Philadelphia  district, 
which  post  he  accepted  at  the  personal  request  of  President 
Hayes  after  an  emergency  had  arisen  through  the  incompe- 
tence of  the  former  incumbent  who  had,  by  yielding  to  the 
pernicious  influence  of  the  Gas  Trust,  degraded  the  work  to 
such  a  depth  of  political  quagmire  that  universal  protest 
went  up  from  the  people  so  loud  as  to  call  for  Presidential 


APPENDIX.  V 

interference,  which  interference  was  in  the  form  of  offi- 
cial decapitation ;  Mr.  Steel  having  agreed  to  take  charge 
of  the  important  work  and  finish  it  on  condition  that  he  was 
allowed  to  appoint  his  own  subordinates  without  the  inter- 
ference of  professional  politicians,  a  condition  to  which  the 
President  readily  assented. 

Having  agreed  to  preside  at  this  meeting  in  the  interest  of 
a  Democratic  office-holder,  though  well  knowing  it  is  an  un- 
popular position  to  assume  in  view  of  the  crisis  in  the  affairs 
of  his  party,  Mr.  Steel  hears  of  threats  from  some 
of  his  official  associates  in  the  School  Board,  to  the 
effect  that  he  is  to  be  deposed  from  the  Board's  Presi- 
dency, which  threats  do  not  deter  him ;  only  render  him 
more  determined  to  act  according  to  his  convictions.  Messrs. 
Caven,  Eidgway  and  Walter  have  agreed  to  appear  and  make 
speeches,  which  is  another  unpopular  thing  to  do  but  one 
also  involving  conviction  and  they  likewise  demonstrate 
their  fearlessness  and  independence  by  fulfilling  their 
promises.  The  speech  of  Mr.  Caven,  who  is  the  speaker  of 
the  evening,  is  pviblished  next  day  in  the  newspapers,  with 
others,  and  makes  a  deep  impression,  on  the  public  mind, 
being  quoted,  and  commented  on  for  days,  especiallj''  that 
part  devoted  to  an  analysis  of  the  opposition  candidate  for 
Controller.  Plain  and  fearless  words  does  he  speak; 
words  which  betoken  the  apprehension  of  one  who  has 
labored  long  and  faithfully  for  the  good  of  his  city  and  its 
people  and  who  sees  both  now  approaching  the  gravest  crisis 
he  has  known  in  his  political  experience.  Hence  his  words 
of  warning.  Let  all  who  would  be  enlightened  on  the  local 
situation  at  this  time  read  his  speech.    He  said: 

"Fellow  Citizens:— As  a  Republican  I  propose,  on 
next  Tuesday,  to  vote  for  Garfield,  because  the  best  interests 
of  the  country  demand  that  no  change  be  made  in  the  Na- 
tional administration;  as  a  Republican  I  propose,  at  the 
same  time,  to  vote  for  Robert  E.  Pattison  for  Controller, 
because  the  best  interests  of  Philadelphia  demand  that  no 
change  be  made  in  the  administration  of  that  office.  Three 
years  ago  I  voted  for  the  Republican  nominee  for  the  office 
of  Controller,  but  Robert  E.  Pattison,  then  unknown  to  us, 


VI  Appendix. 

was  elected.  In  the  discharge  of  my  duties  as  President  of 
Common  Council  I  was  brought  in  intimate  official  relations 
with  Mr.  Pattison.  I  found  him  honest  and  capable,  and 
desirous  of  administering  his  great  trust  with  a  lidelitj'  that 
knew  neither  Republican  nor  Democrat,  and  to  say  that  he 
has  done  this  is  to  convey  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  change 
he  has  brought  abotit  in  that  office.  The  office  of  Controller 
is  in  no  sense  political  —it  is  judicial,  and  should  have  been 
treated  in  the  recent  nominations  by  the  Republicans  as  the 
Democrats  treated  the  nomination  of  Judge  Finletter  for 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  No.  3.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  Con- 
troller to  administer  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  the  city  as 
he  finds  them  and  as  they  are  passed  either  by  the  Legisla- 
ture or  Councils;  he  must  neither  add  to  nor  detract  from 
them. 

"  Vain  would  be  all  the  efforts  of  your  Councilmen  to  guard 
the  expenditure  of  the  public  moneys  by  carefully-worded 
ordinances  if  your  Controller  disregards  either  their  letter  or 
spirit.  In  the  discharge  of  his  judicial  duties  he  has  the 
power  to  administer  oaths  and  to  inquire  as  to  the  correct- 
ness of  every  bill  he  is  called  on  to  approve.  How  well  Mr. 
Pattison  has  discharged  these  high  functions  I  am  here  to 
tell  you.  It  is  within  the  recollection  of  those  who  hear  my 
voice  that  this  office  was  used  as  a  source  of  profit ;  that  with 
an  ease  unparalleled  every  bill,  no  matter  how  atrocious,  was 
approved  and  the  warrant  countersigned.  Now  when  a  hill 
comes  from  the  head  of  a  department,  accompanied  by  a  war- 
rant for  the  Controller's  signature,  before  approving  he  first 
carefully  examines  the  appropriation  bill  to  see  whether  the 
terms  of  the  ordinances  have  been  complied  with;  then  he 
examines  the  bill  to  see  whether  it  bears  evidence  of  fair 
dealing  on  its  face,  and  if  it  is  the  least  suspicious  every  fact 
is  carefully  inquired  into  and  if  found  improper  it  is  returned 
to  the  department  whence  it  came,  for  examination  and  ex- 
planation. Many  bills  have  thus  been  returned  by  Mr.  Pat- 
tison which  never  came  back,  or  if  they  did  they  were  so  re- 
duced and  changed  as  almost  to  defy  identification.  This 
careful  and  deliberate  examination  of  every  bill  that  came 
before  Jilr.  Pattison  has  acted  as  a  restraining  influence  upon 
the  expenditures  of  all  the  departments  and  made  them  care, 
ful  in  their  contracts,  and  has  givento  the  taxpayers  a  greatly 
increased  return  for  their  money. 

"  When  I  was  active  on  the  floor  of  Councils,  conducting 
some  investigations  1  deemed  necessary  for  the  public  wel- 
fare, there  was  not  that  freedom  of  access  to  books  and 
papers  so  necessary  to  the  successful  prosecution  of  my 
duties  as  now.  On  the  contrary,  information,  I  believe,  was 
often  communicated  from  the  Controller's  office  to  those  in- 


APPENDIX.  VII 

terested,  the  cause  of  justico  thereby  defeated  and  the  City 
made  to  sufl'er  loss.  All  this  has  been  changed;  every  book, 
every  paper,  every  account  is  o  en  and  free  to  all  for  inspec- 
tion and  examination,  and  to  say  that  this  has  saved  thou- 
sands of  d(jllar3  to  the  taxpayers  is  but  stating  the  case 
mildly.  The  statements  of  the  present  Controller  of  the 
finances  of  the  city  have  been  the  only  intelligent  and  reli- 
able ones  I  have  ever  seen  emanate  from  that  office.  By 
them  and  with  his  cooperation  Councils  have  been  enabled 
to  intelligently  consider  and  adopt  a  tax  rate  sufficient  to 
carry  the  municipality  through  the  year  without  a  deficiency 
until  the  act  of  1879  was  passed,  which  makes  a  deficiency 
impossible.  Case  after  case  has  come  to  my  knowledge  of 
the  thorough  impartiality  of  the  Controller  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duties,  whereby  the  city  has  eaved  thousands  of 
dollars. 

"The  Controller  has  been  properly  called  the  watchdog  of 
the  Treasury.  Silence  him  or  give  him  political  anodynes  that 
he  may  sleep  at  his  post  and  your  Treasury  is  soon  depleted. 
The  annual  expenses  of  tho  City,  exclusive  of  interest  and 
sinking  fund  on  our  loans  is  over  $7,000,000.  Be  careless  in 
the  distribution  of  this  money  and  your  expenses  will  soon 
run  to  $10,000,000  annually  a-s  they  did  a  few  years  ago.  Mr. 
Pattison  has  been  such  a  faithful  guardian  of  this  vast  sura 
that,  as  a  public  oflicer,  knowing  whereof  I  speak  and  assum- 
ing the  direct  responsibility  of  my  utterances,  I  Bay  to  you 
it  is  your  absolute  duty  to  retain  him  in  his  present  position. 
The  framers  of  the  new  Constitution  .«eperated  the  Munici- 
pal from  the  General  election  so  that  the  cities  of  the  State 
could  elect  their  municipal  officers  without  regard  to  party 
politics.  It  was  a  great  over.-^ight  that  the  office  of  Con- 
troller was  not  named,  as  in  fact  it  is  a  municipal  office,  so 
that  it  might  be  filled  at  the  Spring  election.  But  we  Repub- 
licans can  remedy  this  mistake  on  next  Tuesday  and  elect  a 
Controller  regardless  of  party.  It  is  not  a  new  thing  for  mo 
to  appear  on  this  platform  and  advocate  the  government  of 
this  City  above  party  politics  and  I  am  here  again  to  reassert 
these  very  same  principals  that  have  ever  regulated  my 
public  life. 

"  My  attention  has  been  called  to  a  speech  published  in 
one  of  the  dailies  purporting  to  have  been  delivered  by 
General  Wagner,  whicn,  perhaps,  if  passed  by  unnoticed 
may  do  infinite  harm  to  the  cause  of  good  government  in 
this  city.  The  paper  i)ul)li.shiug  the  speech  contained  the 
following  head  line  :  '  Wagner  on  Pattison.'  It  might  prop- 
erly _  have  added  '  Wagner  the  Recorder  of  i)eeds  on 
Pattison,'  for  it  was  not  surely  Wagner,  the  Chairman  of  the 
Finance  Committe  of  Councils  who  delivered  the  speech. 


VIII  APPENDIX. 

Wagner,  the  Chairman  was  intimate  with  Controller  Patti- 
son  during  the  first  year  of  the  Controller's  term  and  co- 
operated with  him  and  myself  in  every  financial  measure 
looking  to  the  hest  interests  of  the  City.  Wagner  the 
Recorder  of  Deeds,  I  regret  to  say,  differs  from  Wagner,  the 
Chairman,  and  finds  fault  where  he  once  praised;  he 
condemns  where  he  once  approved,  and  what  is  worse,  he 
gives  currency  to  a  statement  relative  to  the  financial  bill  of 
187U  whice  he  must  know,  to  say  the  least,  is  incorrect. 

"  Mr.  Pattison  needs  no  defense  for  the  conduct  of  his 
office— it  speaks  for  itself;  but  that  no  one  may  he  misled  by 
Wagner  the  Recorder,  let  me  say  that  the  Controller  ap- 
proved the  Coroner's  bill  upon  a  schedule  of  fees  originally 
approved  by  the  law  officer  of  the  city,  under  whose  advice 
he  acted.  "Juilge  Thayer  in  delivering  the  opinion  of  the 
court  on  the  Coroner's  case  uses  the  following  language  : 
'  The  high  character  of  the  Controller  for  capacity,  integrity 
and  impartiality  in  the  discharge  of  his  public  duties  is  of 
itself  a  sufficient  guarantee  that  those  statements  were  made 
in  perfect  good  faith.'  Fault  is  found  because  the  Controller 
objected  to  certain  bills  and  afterward  approved  of  them. 
As  a  faithful  officer,  when  he  was  in  doubt  he  took  the 
opinion  of  the  law  officer  of  the  City,  as  it  was  his  right  and 
duty  to  do,  and  if  he  asked  his  opinion,  or  hesitatod  on  ten 
titues  twenty-three  Ijills,  before  paying,  it  is  to  his  credit  and 
for  our  protection.  Wagner,  the  Recorder,  further  asserts 
or  insinuates,  that  the  Controller  sold  $800,000  of  loan  too 
much.  Councils  ordered  a  ten  million  loan  to  be  created 
and  sold  to  fund  the  floating  debt,  and  it  was  impossible  to 
tell  what  the  floating  debt  would  be  until  the  end  of  the 
year,  and  the  Controller  had  no  more  to  do  with  the  sale  of 
the  loan  than  Wagner,  the  Recorder.  And  so  Wagner,  the 
Recorder,  continues  to  labor  heavily  through  a  three  colupan 
speech  and  tells  us,  or  rather  would  convey  the  impression 
that  Messrs.  Bardsley  and  Rowan  were  the  authors  of  the 
bill  of  ISrO.  Mr.  Wagner,  the  Recorder,  had  but  to  refer  to 
the  journals  of  Councils  to  find  that  a  sub-committee  of  the 
Finance  Committee  of  Councils,  prepared  the  essential 
features  of  the  bill— and  the  truth  is  that  Messrs.  Bardsley 
and  Rowan  constituted  themselves  a  committee  to  go  to 
Harrisburg  and  so  change  the  bill  as  to  require  the  tax  rate 
to  be  fixed  before  the  annual  appropriations  were  considered. 
This  change,  with  certain  additions  and  alterations,  was  sub- 
sequently agreed  to  by  Councils,  but  the  essential  features 
of  the  bill,  to-wit,  the  restraining  clause  whereby  Councils 
are  obliged  to  bring  their  expenses  within  their  income,  was 
t)repare'd  by  one  of  the  Sub-Committee  of  Finance.  This 
'i  '.'.  was  prepared  after  consultation  with  the  City  Treasurer, 


APPENDIX.  IX 

City  Controller  and  other  gentlemen  outside  Councils,  and 
every  one  who  took  any  interest  in  it  deserves  to  be  com- 
mended rather  than  censured. 

On  Thursday  morning  last,  Joel  Cook,  the  regular  Repub- 
lican nominee  for  the  office  of  Controller,  permitted  himself 
to  be  forced  off  the  ticket,  and  his  place  is  now  filled  by  E. 
Harper  Jeffries.  Had  Joel  Cook  remained  on  the  ticket  and 
been  elected  to  the  office,  my  judgment  is  that  the  office 
woold  have  been  more  carefully  administered  under  liim 
than  under  E.  Harper  Jeffries  if  he  should  be  elected. 
Much  as  I  respect  Mr.  Cook  as  a  man  I  am  not  hiiud  to  the 
fact  that  he  was  nominated  and  then  forced  off"  the  ticket  by 
the  very  men  against  whom  you  threaten  increasing  warfare 
and  these  same  men  gave  the  nomination  to  ]V[r.  Jetiries, 
whose  letter  of  acceptance,  with  unseemly  haste,  appears  in 
the  same  column  with  Mr.  Cook's  letter  of  declination.  Mr. 
Cook  has  manfully  and  boldly  told  bis  story.  He  met,  he 
says,  Messrs.  McManes,  Rowan,  Leeds  and  Roberts,  at  the 
Gas  office,  and  the  alternative  of  either  getting  off  the  ticket 
or  of  contributing  to  a  large  corruption  fund  was  presented 
to  him.  As  an  honest  man  he  chose  the  former  and  behold  ! 
before  the  ink  is  dry  on  his  declination,  E.  Harper  Jeffries 
has  written  his  letter  of  acceptance,  and  Messrs.  McManes, 
Leeds,  Rowan  and  Roberts  are  the  men  then  who  give  the 
command  and  ask  GO, 000  Republican  voters  to  blindly  follow 
them.  Could  any  of  these  four  men,  I  ask  in  parenthesis, 
be  now  elected  to  any  office  within  the  gift  of  tbe  people? 
They  would  each  be  defeated  and  leave  20,000  votes  to  spare. 
Have  you,  my  Republican  fellow-citizens,  and  you,  and  you 
been  consulted  in  this  matter  ?  No,  thpse  dear,  kmd  men 
think  so  much  of  you,  love  you  so  dearly,  th(  y  would  not 
even  trouble  you  to  select  a  man  for  ^Ir.  Cook's  place.  He 
was  even  selected  before  you  or  I  dreamed  of  Mr.  Cook  de- 
clining. Great  heavens  !  Republicans,  will  you  endure  this 
abject  slavery  longer  or  will  you  rise  in  your  might,  as  men, 
rebuke  this  assumption  of  power  and  take  the  reins  of  gov- 
ernment in  your  own  hands  ? 

"Do  you  believe  that  these  men  who  thus  put  up  and  take 
down  candidates  at  pleasure  will  permit  Mr.  Jetiries  to  run 
the  office  as  it  is  now  run  and  scrutinize  and  examine  bills  as 
they  are  now  scrutinized  and  examined?  Do  you  not  believe 
that  if  I  was  to  go  to  the  Controllpr's  office,  i'f  under  Mr. 
Jeffries,  for  information  relative  to  the  expenses  of  some  of 
the  departments  that  information  of  my  errand  would  be 
immediately  conveyed  to  the  Gas  Trust?  Do  you  believe  that 
if  it  becomes  necessary  to  examine  the  accounts  of  the  Gas 
Trust  it  would  be  as  throughly  done  under  Jeffries  as  under 
Pattison?  Do  you  believe  that  the  public  would  have  as  full 


X  ArPENDIX. 

information  through  the  newspapers  of  the  different  depart- 
ments under  Jeffries  as  under  Pattison  ?  I  do  not  and  there- 
fore I  am  against  a  change,  especially  such  a  change  as  ia 
presented  to  us.  One  of  the  most  potent  arguments  against 
me  when  I  was  before  the  people  as  a  candidate  for  Mayor 
was  that  I  could  do  more  good  to  the  city  as  President  of 
Common  Council  than  as  Mayor.  Applying  the  same  argu- 
ment with  ten  thousand  times  the  force  1  say  to  you  that  it 
will  be  a  greater  benefit  to  the  city  to  keep  Mr.  Pattisoni 
where  he  is  and  Mr.  Jeffries  where  he  is — in  private  life. 

"We  hear  mutterings  and  rumblings  of  a  political  storm 
that  will  be  on  us  after  the  Presidential  election — a  storm 
that  promises  to  sweep  away  the  Gas  Trust  with  all  its  vast 
patronage,  closed  doors,  unvouched  accounts  and  great  pol- 
itical power.  If  you  want  the  storm  to  do  any  good,  if  you 
desire  that  the  forked  lightning  shall  clear  the  political  at- 
mosphere, then  I  beseech  you  do  not  permit  the  citadel  of 
the  Treasury — the  Controller's  Office — to  pass  into  the  hands 
of  the  Bing  or  your  victory  then,  if  indeed  it  should  be  a  vic- 
tory, will  be  as  the  vines  of  Sodom  and  the  fields  of  Gomor- 
rah." 

THE  BUILDING  COMMISSION  AGITATION. 
The  early  part  of  the  year  1871  found  all  Philadelphia 
aroused.  The  Legislature,  on  the  5th  of  August  of  the  pre- 
ceding year,  had  passed  the  Act  creating  "a  Commission  to 
erect  Public  Buildings  in  Philadelphia."  The  enactment  of 
this  measure  was  a  new  and  startling  experience  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  City  of  Independence.  Its  provisions  were  so 
arbitrary  and  gave  such  extraordinary  power  to  a  small 
clique  of  men.  consisting  chiefly  of  irresponsible  politicians 
who  could  not  be  elected  to  any  office  by  a  direct  vote  of  the 
people,  that  had  the  Act  been  passed  in  1850  instead  of  1870 
it  would  have  been  productive  of  a  riot.  It  gave  its 
appointees  such  power,  in  a  certain  direction,  over  the  people 
of  Philadelphia  that,  under  the  most  charitable  view  of  the 
matter,  the  mind  must  go  back  to  the  despotic  system  of  the 
Hessian  princes  to  find  a  proper  comparison.  They  might 
levy  taxes  at  will  and  spend  the  proceeds  without  being  ac- 
countable in  any  way  to  anybody  but  themselves.  In  the 
words  of  the  resolutions  adopted  at  a  citizens'  mass  meeting 
in  March,  1871,  to  take  steps  toward  securing  the  repeal  of 
the  obnoxious  Act,  the  Commission  "  was  created,  not  at  the 


APPENDIX.  XI 

request  of  thf  pooplc,  but  of  those  who  hoped  to  obtain  po- 
sitions under  it.  No  term  of  years  is  desi;i;nated  for  the  ser- 
vice of  its  members,  who  may  render  their  office  virtually 
perpetual  at  their  pleasure.  It  has  power  to  enlarge  its 
numbers  and  to  fill  all  vacancies,  so  that  a  temporary  major- 
ity may  obtain  exclusive  control  over  its  organization.  It  is 
authorized  to  levy  taxes  at  its  discretion  and  to  expend  them 
without  check  or  supervision,  so  that  there  is  no  safeguard 
to  prevent  the  money  of  the  people  from  being  used  for  the 
worst  purposes  of  corruption  and  extravagance." 

Such  is. the  description  of  the  obnoxious  Act  as  ofiicially 
declared  by  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  in  public  meeting 
assembled  in  the  Academy  of  Music  on  the  night  of  the  24th 
of  March,  1871.  The  Legislature  at  this  time  is  diyided — the 
Senate  Democratic,  the  House  Republican.  Senator  Robert 
P.  Dechert,  Democrat,  of  the  First  Philadelphia  District, 
has  introduced  a  bill  providing  for  the  repeal  of  the  objec- 
tionable measure.  For  the  purpose  of  aiding  him  in  his  fight 
against  the  combined  power  of  Democratic  and  Republican 
corruption  in  the  Legislature  this  Citizens'  Meeting  is  held. 
The  Chairman  is  authorized  to  appoint  "a  Committee  of 
forty  representative  citizens,  with  power  to  increase  their 
number  and  fill  vacancies,  to  visit  Harrisburg  for  the  pur- 
pose of  laying  these  resolutions  before  the  Legislature  and 
Governor,  and  of  conveying  to  them  the  desire  of  our  com- 
munity for  the  enactment  of  the  bill  introduced  by  Senator 
Dechert,  wherein  the  question  of  the  Public  Buildings  will 
bo  restored  to  the  City  Councils,  to  whose  jurisdiction  it 
rightfully  belongs,  and  who  will  duly  obey  the  wishes  of  the 
people."* 


*The  following  citizens  were  appointed  as  tbe  Committee  to  visit 
Harrisburg:  Matthew  Biiird,  Lindley  Smyth,  J.  Gillinghaiu  Foil,  James 
Ii.  Claghorn,  Wm.  E.  LiUletun,  Uenry  C.  Gibson,  Ileury  C.  Carey,  N.  B. 
Browne.  George  Wliitiiey,  Jlenry  Winsor,  .Setti  1.  Comly,  Caleb  Cope, 
Clement  Biddle,  Thoma.s  Webster,  Charles  Gilpin,  James  C.  Hand,  Alex- 
ander Henry,  Edward  C.  Kniglit,  K.  Itundle  fSmith,  Edward  Ploopes, 
Chris.  J.  Hoffman.  L.  P.  Ashmead,  J.  K.  Findrav,  W.  Russell  West, 
Richard  Walmsley,  W.  W.  Kurtz,  Le  Koy  Kramer.  Edward  Armstrong, 
J.Dickinson  Logan,  M.  D.,  Cieorge  Day,  James  Page,  Itichard  Vaux, 
George  W.  Bjddlo,  George  S.  Repplier,  Charles  A.  Biddlu,  JohnJCampbell, 


XII  APPENDIX. 

A  large  delegation  of  the  Committee  goes  to  Harrisburg 
five  days  later;  is  received  with  much  ceremony  by  the 
Democratic  Senate  on  the  evening  of  its  arrival,  and  is 
similarly  received  by  the  Republican  House  on  the  following 
day.  Engages  in  protracted  interviews  with  members  of  both 
bodies,  and  represents  earnestly  to  them  "  the  monstrous  na- 
ture of  the  powers,  hitherto  unparalleled  in  this  country," 
which  have  been  conferred  upon  the  Commission,  "without 
the  excuse  of  a  single  petition  or  application  therefor  on  the 
part  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia."  Which  truthful  rep- 
resentations "  fasten  the  attention  of  all  the  members  and 
elicit  from  some  of  them  strong  expressions  of  denunciation, 
heightened  by  the  statement  that  the  obnoxious  Act  had 
been  passed  without  being  printed,  and  on  the  same  day 
through  both  houses,"  thus  giving  little  chance  for  examina- 
tion and  none  for  remonstrance. 

Having  thus  been  enlightened  with  reference  to  legislative 
methods  by  sympathetic  members,  the  Committee  next  seeks 
an  audience  with  the  Governor — the  eccentric  Gearj^; 
who,  "  after  courteously  listening,"  states  in  reply  that  he 
had  held  the  bill  for  several  months  before  signing  it,  and 
only  did  so  finally  on  the  urgent  representation  of  a  number 
of  individuals  who  visited  Harrisburg  for  the  purpose.  The 
Governor  sympathizes  with  the  committee ;  is  free  to  admit 
that  an  attempt  to  exercise  such  powers  over  the  people  of 
the  rural  districts  could  not  be  practiced  with  impunity; 
that  the  principles  of  the  Act  involved  very  serious  danger, 
afi"ecting  our  form  of  government,  and  that  it  was  "a  mon- 
ster" hardly  to  be  tolerated! 

The  Committee  returns  home  in  hopeful  spirits;  reports 
that  "representing  as  it  did  a  community  so  earnestly  anx- 
ious for  the  repeal  *  *  *  it  found  no  one  who  ventured  fully 


Townsend  Ward,  John  O.  James,  Benjamin  Marshall,  John  C.  Bullitt, 
R.  Nebinger,  Kdward  Morwilz,  JohnT.  Montgomery,  Wm.  D.  Wetberill, 
John  Hulme,  James  E.  Gowoii.  James  Magee,  Wm.  M.  Baird,  Jolin 
Bobbins.  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Charles  T.  Parry,  T.  Hor.^c^!  Brown,  1).  B. 
Thomas,  Ilenrv  C.  L.ea.  (Uiarles  Wheeler.  Joseph  T.  Thomas,  Wm.  V. 
Pettil.  A.  J  Beaumont,  John  L.  ijawson,  Jolin  iJ.  Parser,  J.  H.  Collins, 
lidward  Peniugion,  Jr. 


APPEinjix.  xin 

to  defend  the  Act,  and  feels  confident  that  the  mission  with 
which  it  was  entrusted  has  not  been  without  effect." 

"Which  confident  state  of  mind  finds  nothing  to  disturb  it 
until  May,  the  dead-lock  between  the  two  houses  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Apportionment  Bill  having  created  a  delay  in  the 
interim,  which  prevents  the  consideration  of  Colonel  Dech- 
ert's  repealing  act.  On  the  3d  of  May,  Colonel  Dechert,  who 
is  doing  Herculean  work  in  the  matter,  succeeds  in  making  his 
repeal  bill  the  order  of  the  day  for  Friday,  May  5th.  Again  is 
the  Committee,  or  rather  a  delegation  of  the  committee,  found 
atHarrisburg,  consisting  of  Charles  Wheeler,  Thomas  "Web- 
ster, Francis  "Wells,  Townsead  "Ward,  George  Bull,  "W. 
Kussell  West  and  Henry  C.  Lea.  There  do  they  find  that 
Kepresentative  Samuel  M.  Hager,  of  the  Eleventh  Phila- 
delphia District,  and  amember  of  the  Legislative  Committee 
on  Municipal  Corporations,  has  introduced  a  bill  "practi- 
cally identical  with  that  of  Colonel  Dechert,  except  that  it 
contained  a  section  requiring  Councils,  within  a  year, 
to  proceed  to  provide  suitable  accommodations  for  the 
Courts  and  public  offices."  Mr.  Hager  appears  "earnestly 
desirous  of  abolishing  the  Commission,"  and  gets  Colonel 
Dechert's  consent  to  engraft  his  new  section  on  the  latter'a 
bill  as  an  amendment. 

On  the  day  of  the  special  order,  Friday,  5th  of  May,  the  re- 
pealing act  passes  the  Democratic  Senate.  "The  Democratic 
party  in  the  Senate  recognizing  the  injustice  which  had  been 
inflicted  on  Philadelphia,"  and  having  resolved  to  support 
the  measure.  The  four  Kepublicans  voting  with  the  Demo- 
crats for  the  bill  are  Messrs.  Evans,  of  Chester,  White  of 
Indiana,  and  Billingfelt  and  Warfel,  of  Lancaster,  "to 
whom,  in  the  name  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  the  Com- 
mittee desires  to  express  thanks."  Furthermore  does  the 
Committee  call  attention  to  the  debt  of  obligation  "  due  by 
the  City  of  Philadelphia  to  Colonel  Robert  P.  Dechert  for 
the  vigor  and  ability  with  which  ho  pressed  the  measure  to  a 
successful  result." 

Thus  far  the  people's  cause  has  progressed  smoothly.|  Yet 
there  may  be  trouble  yet  in  the  Republican  House,  i  The 


XIV  APPENDIX 

Committee,  as  it  afterward  reports,  sees  "  witli  some  sur- 
prise a  member  of  the  obnoxious  Commission.  Mr.  H.  \V. 
Gray,  with  an  agent  actively  canvassing  against  the  bill. 
On  its  final  passage  (in  the  Senate)  notwithstanding  the 
almost  unanimous  vote  he  openly  declared  that  it  could  not 
pass  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  subsequent  events 
showed  that  he  spoke  from  accurate  knowledge." 

The  Peoples'  Committe  returns  home,  this  time  with  spirits 
not  hopeful,  for  the  bill,  instead  of  passing  the  House,  has 
been  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Municipal  Corporations. 
Yet  the  Philadelphians  do  not  despair.  On  the  following 
Monday  8th  day  of  May,  they  return,  reinforced  by  other  mem- 
bers, the  new  ones  consisting  of  Lewis  Wain  Smith,  Wm.  Bet- 
tie,  Edward  Bettle,Jr.,  Meyer  Asch,  Edward  Penington,  C.H. 
Needles,  E.  Tracy,  Robert  E.  Corson,  T.  Horace  Brown,  L. 
T.  Dixon,  C.  Rogers  and  Dr.  George  Bailey.  An  Executive 
Committee  is  aijpointed,  'consisting  of  Messrs.  Wells, 
Webster,  Wheeler,  Lea,  Bull,  Smith  and  Ward.  Which 
Executive  Committee  is  speedily  advised  that  a  "ring"  had 
been  formed  by  certain  members  of  the  House  and  such 
arrangements  made  by  the  aforesaid  "ring"  as  rendered  the 
success  of  the  people  of  Philadelphia  in  their  endeavors  to 
secure  their  rights,  dependant  on  the  payment  of  money. 

A  startling  proposition  to  citizens  of  a  Republic  seeking  at 
the  seat  of  Legislation  simply  a  vindication  of  their  Repub- 
lican rights !  With  hot  indignation  do  they  refuse  to  buy 
the  justice  which  Philadelphia  has  the  right  to  demand. 

On  Wednesday,  10th  of  May,  the  Peoples'  Committee  have 
a  hearing  before  the  Legislative  Committee  on  Municipal 
Corporations;  when  the  various  reasons  for  the  abolition  of 
the  despotic  Commission  are  briefly  stated-  Which  reasons 
are  "replied  to  by  Mr.  Commissioner  Gray,  who  did  not 
hesitate  openly  to  urge  the  continuance  of  the  act  by  which 
he  and  his  colleagues  were  legislated  into  office  against  the 
wishes  of  a  vast  maiority  of  their  fellow-citizens."  Further- 
more does  Mr.  Commissioner  Gray  "denounce  severely  the 
factious  minority  of  his  colleagues  to  whom  he  attributes  all 
the  opposition  which  has  arisen  against  the  Commission ; ' 


APPENDIX.  XV 

and  scornfully  does  he  "  ridicule  the  fears  of  the  'fossils' ho  iv 
dread  lavish  expenditure  and  increased  taxation,  declaring 
that  the  plans  of  the  Commission  would  not  cost  more  than 
Five  millions  of  dollars  to  execute."* 

On  Thursday,  11th  of  May,  the  Committee  on  Municipal 
Corporations  again  take  the  matter  up  for  consideration,  the 
Peoples'  Committee  having  again  returned  to  insist  upon  a 
recognition  of  their  city's  rights.  Again  does  "Mr.  Com- 
missioner Gray  energetically  urge  that  his  Commission  shall 
not  be  abolished  aspersing  with  some  vehemence  the  motives 
and  actions  of  those  who  demanded  that  the  right  of  self- 
government  should  be  restored  to  Philadelphia." 

Meantime  Representative  Robert  Johnston  of  the  Seventh 
Philadelphia  district,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Munic- 
ipal Corporations,  has  added  anamendent  to  Col.  Dechert's 
bill  providing  that  the  question  of  abolishing  the  Commis- 
sion be  referred  to  the  people  to  be  decided  by  popular  vote; 
which  amendment  is  declared  out  of  order  by  a  vote  of  10  to 
8.  Another  evidence  of  monarchial  assumption  on  the  part 
of  the  political  managers;  through  their  creatures 
in  the  Legislature,  they  thus  deny  the  people  the  right  to 
exercise  their  free  will  in  the  matter  of  the  management  of 
their  own  aflairs. 

Colonel  Dechert's  bill  then  comes  up  for  action  and  quick 
work  do  its  opponents  make  of  it;  deciding  by  a  large  vote 
to  report  it  to  the  House  with  a  negative  recommendation. 

"This  result,"  says  the  People's  Committee  in  its  report, 
"maybe  said  to  have  surprised  no  one.  Indeed,  the  next 
morning,  a  gentleman  prominent  in  political  life  was  heard 
to  assert  openly,  in  the  Hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
that  a  specified  sum  per  head  had  been  paid  for  votes  on  the 
majority  side  of  the  Committee." 

Wiser,  if  less  cheerful,  the  Peoples'  Committee  return 
home.    Senator  Dechert  remains  and  continues  the  fight ; 

The  total  amount  of  the  cost  of  the  Public  Buildings  at  the  close  of 
the  year  1S82  was  $8,6'20,t)ll.6i  The  luost  rational  estluaate  of  the  total 
cost  of  the  Buildings  when  completed  is  $15,0uO,(X»0, 

9 


XVI  appendix; 

repeatedly  introducing  new  bills  to  the  same  effect  all  of 
which  meet  with  a  similar  fate.  Reform  in  Philadelphia, 
meantime,  turns  its  face  in  a  new  direction.  From  the 
Peoples'Committee  with  its  Building-Commission  Abolition 
mission  springs  into  life  the  Citizens'  Municipal  Reform 
Association,  which  agitates  fiercely  among  the  people  the 
question  of  the  necessity  of  a  new  Constitution,  having 
clearly  from  its  recent  legislative  experience,  discovered  that 
the  present  Constitution  is  full  of  glaring  defects.  So  in  the 
election  contests  for  Legislative  Representatives  does  this 
new  Constitution  scheme  become  an  issue.  The  Reform  As- 
sociation finally  proves  successful.  In  due  time  does  the 
Legislature  enact  a  measure  providing  for  the  assembling  of 
a  Constitutional  Convention  in  Philadelphia;  the  delegates 
thereto  to  be  elected  by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  the  same 
as  members  of  the  Legislature. 

The  Constitutional  Convention  meets  and  pursues  its 
work;  is  aided  therein  by  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Municipal  Reform  tAssociation  with  which  through 
its  working  Committees,  it  confers  daily;  new  Consti- 
tution finally  completed  and  officially  promulgated  that  the 
people  may  familiarize  themselves  with  it  before  submitting 
it  to  a  vote  on  the  question  of  adoption  or  rejection.  Con. 
sternatiou  among  politicians  and  ringsters  in  Philadelphia 
and  elsewhere.  The  new  document,  if  adopted,  sweeps 
away  many  old  and  flagrant  abuses.  It  abolishes  the  fee 
system  of  remunerating  public  officers,  substituting  fixed 
salaries;  it  destroys  future  oi)portunities  of  securing  the 
enactment  of  obnoxious  laws  without  first  affording  the 
people  a  chance  of  knowing  fully  the  nature  of  such  laws, — 
requiring  the  title  of  a  bill  to  state  fully  and  clearly  its 
real  character ;  it  abolishes  special  legislation  by  which  a 
clique  of  self-interested  politicians  may  get  together  and 
secure  the  passage  of  a  measure  for  their  own  particular 
benefit,  or  for  the  benefit  of  a  particular  locality  ;  it  separates 
Municipal  or  local  elections  from  County,  State  and  Nation, 
al  elections,  in  order  that  the  selection  of  officers  for  the 


APPENDIX.  XVII 

management  of  local  affairs  may  be  effected  free  from  the  ex- 
citement and  turmoil  of  a  State  or  National  contest;  thus 
depriving  ring  politicians  of  the  means  of  rushing  into  local 
('ffice  bad  men  on  the  strength  of  the  general  excitement 
over  larger  electoral  affairs. 

Political  bosses  and  their  ollowers,  seeing  such  radical 
reforms  in  the  draft  of  the  new  organic  law,  form  a  plan  for 
falsifying  the  count  when  the  question  is  submitted  to  the 
people;  resort  to  fraud  to  secure  its  rejection.  Phila- 
delphia bosses  clasp  hands  with  Pittsburg  bosses,  and  by 
methods  intricate  and  secret  the  preparations  for  such  falsi- 
fication of  the  people's  will  are  made  throughout  the  State. 
"When  the  returns  come  in  at  the  close  of  the  day  of  election 
the  political  conspirators  are  panic-stricken;  the  vote 
is  so  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  the  new  Constitution 
that  the  intended  fraud  is  found  to  be  impossible  though 
all  the  power  of  a  powerful  combination  of  corruptionists 
has  been  exerted  in  the  effort.  Thus  was  the  majesty  of  the 
peoples'  will  vindicated  ;  from  which  hour  Reform  set  its  face 
forward,  moving  at  times  with  slow  uncertain  tread  yet 
always  onward  in  its  own  way  as  ultimate  results  in  city  and 
State  have  shown. 

THE  GAREETT-STOEXEY  CORRESPONDENCE. 

(Series  I.) 

The  Committee  of  One  Hundred  having  been  organized 
and  being  anxious  to  secure  the  election  of  John  Hunter  to 
the  office  of  Receiver  of  Taxes  and  of  Joseph  L.  Caven  to 
the  office  of  City  Solicitor,  is  uncertain  of  its  own  strength ; 
believes  if  it  can  induce  the  Republican  party  to  break  away 
from  the  Gas  Trust,  which  has  controlled  the  party  only  to 
corrupt  it  in  order  to  advance  its  own  selfish  ends,  that  the 
party  organization  will  be  purified,  the  Gus  Trust  over- 
thrown and  the  Public  Departments  rescued  from  the  hands 
of  unscrupulous  men ;  is  not  yet  ready,  so  far  as  a 
majority  of  the  members  is  concerned,  to  go  outside  its  own 


XVIII  APPENDIX. 

party  to  further  the  work  of  Beform,  believing  such  course 
unnecessary.  Mayor  Stokley  has  lately  been  making  Keform 
professions  and  showing  evidences  of  a  desire  to  free  himself 
from  the  influence  of  the  Gas  Trust,  which  heretofore,  on 
three  successive  occasions,  has  elected  him  to  office ;  the 
majority  of  the  One  Hundred  view  the  Mayor's  Reform 
advances  with  satisfaction,  seeing  in  him  a  powerful  factor 
for  the  destruction  of  the  Gas  Trust,  for  the  Mayor  has  many 
loyal  Bepublican  followers  who  are  sternly  opposed  to 
McManesism.  If  the  Republican  Conventions  can  be 
induced  to  nominate  Hunter  and  Caven  as  well  as  Stokiey, 
the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  will  indorse  them  all  and  go 
into  the  contest  with  every  certainty  of  success.  At  this 
stage  of  affairs  Chairman  Garrett  writes  the  following  letter 
to  Mayor  Stokley : 

Philadelphia.  December  20, 1880. 

Hon.  "Wiiii-iAM  S.  Stokley. 

"Dear  Sir  :— As  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Business 
Men's  Organization  may  be  called  to-morrow  to  consider 
the  subject  of  suitable  men  for  the  Mayoralty,  I  would  like 
to  have  such  information  as  you  may  feel  free  to  communi- 
cate on  the  following  points:  r       «, 

"  Do  you  continue  to  favor  the  transfer  of  the  management 
of  the  Gas  Works  from  the  Trustees  to  the  direct  control  of 
the  city. 

"If  Councils  should  pass  an  ordinance  to  thafeflfect  would 
you  sign  it?  ,,,,,,  ^ 

"  If  State  Legislation  should  be  asked  to  prolongthe  Trust 
would  you  oppose  it? 

"  Concerning  the  legislation  proposed  m  the  Municipal  Bill 
for  the  better  government  of  the  city— framed  by  the  State 
Municipal  Commission— are  you  in  favor  of  that  bill,  or  an 
equivalent  bill  that  will  effect  substantially  the  same  con- 
centration of  Executive  responsibility  in  the  administration 
of  city  affairs?  ,  .   ,  .     . 

"Please  advise  me,  also,  whether  you  think  it  right  to  permit 
party  considerations  or  political  friends  to  influence  your 

official  action.  •,    ■.    i. 

"  If  it  should  come  properly  before  you  to  speak  or  to  use 
your  influence  in  the  matter  would  you  aid  or  oppose  the 
Recorder's  Bill  and  the  Delinquent  Tax  Bill  ? 


APPENDIX.  XIX 

'  Your  replies  to  the  foregoing  are  for  my  individual  infor- 
mation as  a  member  ol  the  Business  Men's  Committee.  But 
I  would  like  very  much  your  cousent  to  make  them  known 
as  being  authoriaed  by  you  if  that  should  become  advisable. 

PHILIP  C.  GARRETT." 

Mayor  Stokley,  on  the  same  day,  having  received  tho 
letter,  replies  as  follows,  the  time  intervening  from  the  date 
of  these  letters  until  the  meeting  of  the  Republican  Con- 
ventions being  twenty-four  days : 

Philadelphia,  December  20, 1880. 
"  Mr.  p.  C.  Garrett. 

*'  Dear  Sib: — While  I  dislike  very  much  to  say  anything 
or  write  anything  that  may  look  like  a  bid  or  a  pledge  to 
secure  any  one's  favor  or  nomination  for  the  Mayoralty  and 
■would  very  much  prefer  to  stand  upon  my  administration  of 
the  oflSce  of  Mayor  fyr  nine  years,  I  have  no  hesitation  in 
sending  you,  individually,  the  within  replies  to  points  you 
place  before  me  in  your  letter  of  this  date : 

"  I.  Upon  the  question  of  the  transfer  of  the  control  of  the 
Philadelphia  Gas  Works  to  the  city  I  answer  yes  and  refer 
you  to  my  record. 

"  II.  I  would  sign  an  ordinance  taking  possession  of  the 
"Works  ;  and  in  1868,  in  Select  Council,  I  introduced  an  ordi- 
nance to  that  effect,  which  I  had  passed,  but  was  over-ruled 
by  the  Supreme  Court.  I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  I  was 
right. 

"  III.  I  would  decidedly  oppose  any  prolonging  of  the 
Trust. 

"IV.  I  was  in  favor  of  the  Municipal  Bill  and  assisted 
the  Commission  in  framing  it,  and  any  bill  concentrating 
Executive  responsibility  will  receive  my  approval. 

"V.  I  always  have  been  opposed  to  policemen  holding 
any  other  office  and  shall  dowhatever  is  within  my  authority 
to  limit  their  participation  in  political  matters  to  the  exercise 
of  their  rights  as  citizens. 

"VI.  Jso  person  or  consideration  of  any  kind  whatever 
shall  ever  influence  me  in  the  discharge  of  my  official  duties 
contrary  to  what  I  deem  to  be  right. 

"  VII.  I  always  was  opposed  to  the  Recorder's  Bill  and 
after  its  passage  by  the  Legislature  I  used  my  infiuenco  with 
tho  Governor  to  have  it  vetoed. 

"The  Delinquent  Tax  Bill  ought  to  be  repealed  ormodified 
so  as  to  return  the  excessive  fees  or  emolument  into  the  City 
Treasury. 

"I  have  no  objection  to  your  making  use  of  this  letter  in 
any  way  you  deem  proper,  except  that  I  neither  desire  nor 
have  anv  wish  one  wa"  O"  another  as  to  its  publicity.  I  am 
yours  respectfully,  W.  S.  JSTOKLeY." 


XX    ,  APPENDIX. 

THE  QARRETT-STOKLEY  CORRESPONDENCE: 
(series  II.) 

Mayor  Stokley  as  the  Candidate  of  the  Committee  of 
One  Hundred.  Having  been  nominated  or  rather  recom- 
mended at  a  meeting  of  the  General  Committe  in  the  Rooms 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  Chairman  Garrett  writes  a  letter  of 
notification,  calling  the  Mayor's  attention  to  the  fact  that  he 
is  expected  to  sign  ihe  Committee's  Declaration  of  Principles 
as  evidence  of  good  faith,  which  letter  is  as  follows  : 

Philadelphia,  December  23di, 
Hon.  "W.  S.  Stoklet. 

"Dear  Sir: — Recognizing  in  your  opposition  to  the  Gas 
Trust,  your  resolute  eflbrts  to  enforce  laws  difficult  of  enforce- 
ment, your  maintaiuauce  of  an  efficieut  non-partisian  police 
and  in  the  assurance  contained  in  your  letter  of  December 
20th,  that  you  are  seeking  faithfully  to  serve  the  City  as  its 
Chief  Executive  and  to  reform  existing  abuses  so  far  as  in 
you  lies,  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  have  recom- 
mended you  to  the  Republican  party  and  to  their  fellow- 
citizens  generally  for  re-election  to  the  same  high  office;  a 
conclusion  of  which  I  now  have  the  honor,  officially,  to 
inform  you,  with  the  assurance  that  should  you  accept  this 
nomination  they  propose  to  iise  their  best  eflbrts  to  secure 
your  election.  They  have  adopted,  also,  a  Declaration  of 
Principles,  to  which  they  think  every  honest  Reformer  can 
subscribe,  and  they  ask  the  assent  of  the  several  nominees 
to  this  as  a  basis  of  action.  I  need  scarcely  add  that,  in  thus 
recommending  you  to  the  sufi'rages  of  your  fellow-citizens  we 
form  no  new  party,  and  leave  you  perfectly  free  to  accept  the 
regular  nomination  should  you  wish  it  to  be  conferred  upon 

^^^'  PHILIP  C.  GARRETT." 

The  Gas  Trust  has,  in  the  meantime,  became  aroused. 
.Tames  McManes  goes  to  Mayor  Stokley  and  gives  him  to 
understand  that  he  must  either  turn  his  back  on  the  Re- 
formers and  help  crush  them  out  or  join  his  fortunes  with 
them  and  incur  the  enmity  of  the  Trust  one  of  the  efi'ects  of 
which  will  be  his  defeat  in  the  Republican  Mayoralty  Conven- 
tion. Mayor  Stokley  wavers  and  finally  decides  to  renew  his 
affiliation  with  the  Gas  Trust.  Accordingly  he  delays  answer- 
ing Chairman  Garrett's  letter  until  within  one  day  of  the 


APPENDIX.  XXI 

Eepublican  Conventions  when  he  sends  this  letter,  omitting 
entirely  any  reference  to  the  request  to  indorse  the  Declara- 
tion of  Principles: 

Philadelphia,  January  12, 1880. 
P.  C.  Gaekett,  Esq.,  Chairman. 

"  Sir  : — I  am  grateful  to  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  for 
the  public  testimonial  of  their  approval  of  my  course  as 
Mayor  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia  and  for  their  endorsement 
and  recommendation  of  me  to  the  Kepubiican  Convention 
for  re-nomination.  So  flattering  a  mark  of  regard  and  of 
confidence  from  the  respectable  and  influential  citizens  that 
compose  your  Committee  toiaches  me  deeply  and  inspires  me 
to  continue  a  course  of  public  policy  which  has  already  met 
with  your  generous  sanction.  The  views  which  I  have 
heretofore  expressed  regarding  municipal  interests  and  the 
direction  which  should  be  given  to  legislation  to  conserve 
those  important  interests,  are  too  well  known  to  the  citizens 
of  Philadelphia  to  require  even  passing  comment  from  me. 
It  would  be  neither  modest  nor  profitable  for  me  to  urge  my 
own  claims  to  re-election.  The  argument  in  favor  of  that 
course  must  be  found  in  the  judgment  of  my  fellow-citizens. 
During  the  nine  years  in  which  I  have  filled  the  ofiice  of  Mayor 
of  Philadelphia  I  have  endeavored  to  do  my  duty  in  a  plain, 
straightforward  manner,  uninfluenced  either  by  partiality  or 
adverse  prejudice.  With  what  success  I  have  administered 
the  ofiice  is  before  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  for  their  dis- 
passionate decision,  and  should  I  again  be  summoned  to 
perform  the  duties  of  Mayor  I  shall  endeavor  to  conduct  my 
department  of  public  afi'airs  in  the  same  spirit  and  by  the 
same  policy  which  has  heretofore  guided  me.  I  have  the 
honer  to  be,  with  just  respect,  your  obedient  servant. 

WILLIAM  S.  STOKLET." 

EDWAED  T.  STEEL  AND  THE  MAYOEALTY. 

The  nomination  of  Mayor  Stokley  by  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred  has  caused  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  some  of 
the  members.  Eudolph  Blankenburg  resigns  his  member- 
ship, believing  that  the  Committee  has  failed  in  its  Eeform 
mission,  as  he  is  convinced  that  Mayor  Stokley  is  affiliated 
with  the  Gas  Trust  and  that  he  will  not  aid  in  the  cause  of 
Eeform.  His  choice  for  Mayor  was  Edward  T.  Steel,  When 
he  presented  Mr.  Steel's  name  in  the  meeting,  however,  Mr. 


XXn  APPENDIX. 

Arrott,  who  is  also   opposed  to  Mayor  Stokley,  arose  and 
read  Mr,  Steel's  letter  of  declination,  as  follows: 

Philadelphia,  Saturday,  Dec.  18, 1880. 
"  Gentlemen  :— Learning  that  there  is  a  possibility  of  my 
name,  among  others,  coming  before  yon  for  consideration  as 
a  candidate  for  the  office  of  Mayor,  I  have  written  this  letter 
to  be  used  in  such  event.  I  deem  it  due  to  you,  who  have 
undertaken  so  difficult  and  arduous  a  task,  to  state  in  advance 
that  I  would  not  be  the  candidate  of  a  political  party  for  a 
municipal  office.  It  has  been  represented  to  me  by  persons 
like  myself,  who  have  been  earnestly  devoted  to  tbe  restora- 
tion of  popular  government  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  that 
I  could  render  a  service  by  allowing  my  name  to  be  used  in 
connection  with  the  candidacy  for  the  office  of  Mayor. 
While  I  have  sincerely  hoped  that  no  such  duty  would 
devolve  upon  me.  nothing  less  than  a  citizen's  obligation  to 
assist  in  recovering  to  the  people  the  management  of  their 
public  affairs  would  command  me  to  step  aside  from  my  own 
business  to  be  a  candidate  or  to  discharge  the  duties  of  a 
public  office. 

"  The  lleform  movement  demands  the  overthrow  of  a  clique 
of  men  who  have  usurped  the  government  of  the  city.  They 
have  accomplished  this  by  quartering  an  army  of  men  upon 
the  people,  who  are  paid,  as  employees,  from  the  municipal 
treasury  for  the  nominal  service  they  render  the  city.  These 
appointees,  dependent  on  this  power  for  their  places  are 
ruled  with  inexorableness  and  are  forced  to  render  services 
often  against  their  honest  convictions,  their  rulers  being 
only  harder  masters  to  them  than  to  the  public.  The  first 
duty  of  these  subordinates  is  to  take  the  place  of  Ward  Ex- 
ecutive Committees,  elect  themselves  to  nominating  Con- 
ventions, to  become  officers  of  elections  and  to  entrench 
themselves  in  every  position  where  they  can  successfully 
resist  the  efforts  of  the  people  to  protect  themselves  by  the 
election  of  men  interested  in  the  public  welfare. 

"  Under  the  power  and  discipliue  established  by  this  cabal 
places  that  require  skilled  labor,  education,  scientific  knowl- 
edge or  high  moral  qualities,  become  the  prey  of  ignorant, 
coarse  and  selfish  men,  for  the  money  that  goes  with  the 
position  or  that  may  be  improperly  made  in  it.  No  depart- 
ment has  immunity  from  this  powjr  whether  it  be  established 
for  the  i^urpose  of  educating  children,  for  the  reform  of  the 
fallen  or  for  the  support  of  the  destitute. 

"Instead  of  men  in  public  offices  having  only  the  high 
Btandard  of  duty  necessarily  required  by  the  people,  whose 
fiingle  interest  is  to  have  their  afi'airs  well  managed,  with 
rare  exceptions,  every  man  holding  a  public  office,  no  matter 


i.piiiE:;a)ix.  ixni 

now  important  its  function,  who  must  obtain  a  nomination 
before  reaching  the  people  for  their  support,  is  forced  to  h;ive 
his  mind  primarily  directed  to  the  approval  of  this  utterly- 
corrupt  and  selfish  power. 

"As  much  as  I  cherish  the  principles  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  houor  it  for  its  achievements,  I  am  convinced  it 
is  not  able,  as  now  constituted,  to  overthrow  this   oligarchy. 

"  The  officials  who  have  successfully  continued  to  protect 
the  interests  of  the  people  in  detiance  of  this  power  have 
only  done  so  by  the  support  of  citizens  irrespective  of 
party.  Messrs.  Caven  and  Hunter  would  not  be  rendering 
their  great  service  to  the  public  to-day  by  the  unaided  sup- 
port of  Republicans  nor  would  the  city  have  the  invaluable 
supportof  Mr.  Pattison  by  the  unaided  support  of  Democrats. 

"Believing,  as  I  have  endeavored  to  explain,  that  this  clique 
cannot  be  overthrown  within  the  lines  of  party,  and  to  aid 
in  its  destruction  being  the  one  obligation  which  has  led  me 
to  consider  the  proposition  of  candidacy,  I  could  not  accept 
of  it  where  I  believe  this  end  cannot  be  secured.  I  have  the 
honor  to  be  very  truly  yours. 

EDWARD  T.  STEEL. 

JOHK  HUKTER'S  ACCEPTANCE. 

John  Hunter,  having  received  notification  of  his  nomina- 
tion by  the  Reform  Committee,  replies  one  week  before  the 
holding  of  the  Republican  Conventions,  accepting  the  nomi- 
nation in  the  following  words  : 

West  Philadelphia,  January  6,  1881. 

"To  Philip  C.  Garrett,  Esq.,  Chairman,  Committee  of 
One  Hundred.  Dear  Sir: — I  have  before  me  your  letter 
notifying  me  that  your  Committee  have  designated  me  as 
their  choice  for  Receiver  of  Taxes  and  also  asking  me  in  case 
I  accept,  to  accompany  it  with  an  indorsement  of  the  Decla- 
ration of  Principles. 

"  My  record  in  Councils  is  sufficient  proof  that  I  am  in 
sympathy  with  the  popular  movement.  I  am  not  seeking 
office  but,  as  one  of  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  tax- 
payers of  this  city  who  has  borne  his  full  share  of  the 
penalties  and  re.«ponsibilities  entailed  upon  us  by  long  years 
of  misrule  ard  of  gross  mismanagement  of  city  aflairs,  as  a 
citizen  willing  to  be  governed  by  the  pojjular  will,  fully  ex- 
pressed at  the  polls,  unfettered  by  iniquitous  party  rules  I 
am  in  your  hands  if,  inyour  judgment,  it  is  deemed  advi.^able 
to  place  my  name  before  the  whole  people  as  their  candidate 
for  Receiver  of  Taxes.  I  promise  if  elected  to  conduct  the 
office  in  the  best  interests  of  the  Taxpayer  and  in  the  most 
ecouomical  manner. 


XXIV  APPENDIX. 

"  It  must  be  distinctly  understood  that  if  once  fairly  before 
the  people  as  an  Independent  Citizens'  Candidate,  regard- 
less of  what  oilier  candidates  may  decide  npon  or  who  may 
hereafter  be  nominated  by  packed  Conventions  under  no 
circumstances  shall  I  decline  or  resign.  With  entire  con- 
fidence in  the  integrity  and  good  judgment  of  the  voters  of 
this  city,  and  the  ultimate  success  of  the  popular  movement 
by  and  for  the  people,  and  with  full  purpose  to  do  my  whole 
duty,  I  fully  indorse  your  'Declaration  of  Principles'  in 
whole  and  in  part  and,  thanking  you  for  yonr  kind  letter  of 
approval  of  my  official  conduct,  I  am  yours  very  re- 
pectfully. 

JOHN  HUNTEB." 

THE  GABBETT-CAVEK  COEEESPONDENCE. 

Chairman  Garrett,  on  the  same  day  on  which  he  writes  his 
letter  of  notification  to  Mayor  Stokley,  writes  a  letter  to 
Joseph  L.Caven,  notifying  him  that  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred  has  already  placed  him  in  nomination  for  City 
Solicitor,  which  letter  is  as  follows: 

Philadelphia,  December  23, 1880. 
Joseph  L.  Cavbn,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir  : — In  view  of  your  able  defense  of  the  interests 
of  the  Taxpayers  of  Philadfelphia  during  several  years  past 
in  Councils,  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  have  put  you 
in  nomination  for  the  important  ofBce  of  City  Solicitor, 
believing  no  one  more  eminently  capable  of  protecting  the 
rights  of  the  city  in  the  capacity  of  its  legal  defender. 

In  conveying  to  you,  as  I  now  have  the  pleasure  of  doing 
officially,  this  resolution  of  the  Committee,  I  think  it  right 
to  say  that  they  have  been  uninfluenced  by  other  considera- 
tions than  those  of  public  welfare. 

The  Committee  have  coupled  with  their  nomination  a 
Declaration  of  Principles  to  which,  they  are  well  assured, 
you  can  subscribe ;  yet  it  will  strengthen  their  hands  to  have 
the  written  indorsements  of  those  by  all  their  candidates. 

"Whenever,  therefore,  it  is  your  pleasure  to  signify  your 
acceptance  of  the  nomination,  it  will  be  gratifying  to  receive 
your  approval  of  the  Principles  also. 

'•  1  remain,  with  much  respect,  yours  truly, 

PHILIP  C.  GARRETT, 
Chairman  Committee  of  One  Hundred. 
Attest,  Geobgk  W.  Farb,  Jr.,  Secretary." 


APPENDIX.  XXV 

Councilman  Caven,  like  Mayor  Stokley,  does  not  reply  to 
the  letter  of  notification  at  once, — delays  his  answer  until 
the  day  after  the  Republican  Conventions,  for  reasons 
which  he  explains : 

712  Walnut  Street,  January  U,  1881 

Philip  C.  Garrett  Esq.,  Chairman,  and  Committee  of 
One  Hundred. 
•'  Gentlemen  : — In  notifying  me  of  my  selection  for  the  of- 
fice of  City  (Solicitor,  you  at  the  same  time  enclose  me  a  '  Dec- 
laration of  Principles.'  By  chis  I  am  informed  that  you 
'  are  liepublicaus  and  are  seeking  to  reform  the  management 
of  the  Republican  party,'  and  that  through  the  medium  of 
this  party  you  are  endeavoring  to  improve  our  city  govern- 
ment. 

"  I  have,  therefore  purposely  delayed  answering  until  it 
could  De  publicly  ascertained  whether  the  recognized  Re- 
publican party  of  the  city  approved  -  disapproved  of  your 
action. 

"  1  am  deeply  sensible  of  the  high  compliment  you  have 
paid  me  iu  associating  my  name  with  the  honorable'  office  of 
City  Solicitor.  It  is  uo  empty  honor  to  be  thus  selected  by 
a  body  representing,  as  your  Committee  does,  Philadelphia's 
best  business  men,  even  after  a  struggle,  but  when  such 
selection  is  made  without  the  slightest  solicitation  or  etibrt 
it  is  to  me  the  best  evidence  of  your  confidence  in  and  in- 
dorsement of  my  public  life. 

"  I  propose,  at  tbe  end  of  my  present  term  to  retire  from 
tli3  Councils  of  the  city  so  that  I  may  give  my  individual 
time  and  attention  to  my  personal  ami  professional  interests 
but  in  doing  so  I  shall  not  neglect  the  duty  every  citizen 
O'Ves  to  the  public. 

'•  In  an  active  service  of  eight  years  in  Common  Councils, 
I  have  at  times  endeavored  to  carry  out  my  views  of  public 
service  within  party  lines  and  liave  as  often  failed.  livery 
reform  that  has  been  instituted  and  carried  out  for  the  better 
government  of  the  city  during  those  eight  years  resulted 
solely  from  the  joint  eflbrts  ot  Republicaus  and  Democrats 
acting  as  citizens  and  nut  as  partisans. 

"The  recent  eti'ort  made  by  your  Co/nmittee  in  the  same 
direction  is  but  another  evidence  of  tlie  impossibility  of  im- 
proving the  public  sarvice  through  party  machinery.  Al- 
though I  was  quite  conscious  tliat  the  constant  and  well 
known  opposition  to  Mr.  Hunter  and  myself  to  the  ways  of 
the  so-called  bossas  of  the  Republican  party  would  render  it 
impossible  for  them  to  favorably  consider  your  action  with 
regard  to  those  two  names  yet,  personally,  I  have  been 


XXVI  Appendis:. 

•willing  as  a  Republican,  nay,  under  the  circumstances  I 
could  not  refuse,  to  co-operate  with  you  to  the  end  in  another 
similar  experiment. 

That  experiment  failing,  as  I  knew  it  would,  you  have  no 
further  use  lor  my  name,  and  I  therefore  decline  your  kind 
nomination.  But,  in  declining,  permit  me  to  assure  you 
tlierenever  was  a  time  in  the  history  of  our  city  when  the 
people  were  so  ready  and  anxious  to  hurl  from  power  the 
men  who  have  loaded  them  with  a  municipal  debt  of 
$71,000  000,  and  at  the  same  time  grown  rich  while  the  people 
have  become  poorer — the  men  who  control  the  votes  and 
voice  of  a  large  portion  of  your  Councilmen  as  the  master 
controls  the  slave — the  men  who  will  strike  down  the  Coun- 
cilman who  dares  to  do  right — the  men  who  rob  you  of  your 
dearest  rights  as  freemen  the  right  to  express  your  choice 
through  the  ballot.  In  view,  therefore,  of  the  time  and  the 
opportunity  and  of  the  rejection  of  the  recognized  Reform 
part  of  your  ticket  by  the  bosses,  it  remains  for  you  to  re- 
cast your  lines  on  the  basis  of  non-partisan  public  service, 
and  to  enter  upon  the  coming  campaign  with  a  firmer  deter- 
mination than  ever  that  good  men  and  true  shall  represent 
you  in  Councils  and  fill  your  city  offices  and  if,  in  the 
changed  condition  of  your  noble,  manly  and  unselfish  work, 
I  can  be  of  any  further  service — not  as  a  candidate  but  as  a 
Taxpayer  and  a  citizen — do  not  hesitate  to  command  me 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be  gentlemen,  with  great  respect, 
very  truly. 

"JOS.  L.  CAVEN." 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  MAYORALTY  CONVENTION. 

In  the  Democratic  Mayoralty  Convention  there  comes  to 
the  front  a  new  element, — Democrats  opposed  to  the  pro- 
fessional politician  element  of  the  party  which  has  so  long 
ruled  in  such  assemblages.  They  see  a  favorable  time  to 
strike  and  rid  the  party  of  these  obnoxious  ones,  a  feat 
which  will  not  end  in  its  effects  simply  with  the  result  of  the 
Convention  but  which  shall  be  decisive,  settling  the  quest'ion 
as  to  which  of  the  two  incompatible  elements  shall  live  and 
thenceforth  control  the  party  organization  in  Philadelphia^ 
Accordingly  a  plan  is  formed  by  which  the  conservative 
ones  settle  upon  Select-Councilman  King  as  their  candidate; 
feel  confident  he  is  the  one  of  all  others  most  certain  to 
serve  the  double  purpose  of  defeating  the  Republican  can- 


APPENDIX.  XXVII 

didate  Stokley  and  of  keeping  the  old  "ring"  element  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  the  back-ground.  Candidate  King, 
understanding  the  sentiment  of  the  people  and  feeling  con- 
vinced that  if  there  is  one  thing  it  indicates  with  certainty 
it  is  that  John  Hunter  shall  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
Tax  Department,  knows  full  well  that  it  will  be  useless  for 
his  party  to  attempt  to  win  the  Mayoralty  unless  they 
respect  the  wishes  of  the  large  body  of  the  Independent 
Kepublicans  and  support  Mr.  Hunter.  He  therefore  in- 
sists on  writing  a  letter  for  presentation  to  the  Convention 
before  which  his  name  is  to  be  offered  declining  the  nomina- 
tion for  Mayor  unless  the  Democratic  Convention  to  nomi- 
nate a  candidate  for  Ueceiver  of  Taxes  which  meets  at  the 
same  hour  shall  make  Mr.  Hunter  its  nominee.  This  letter  he 
places  in  the  hands  of  his  friend,  Delegate  John  M.  Campbell 
who  shall  read  it,  at  the  proper  time,  in  the  Convention. 
Conservative  Democrat  is  Delegate  Campbell,  his  father 
being  ex-Judge  Campbell,  Postmaster-General  of  the  Nation 
under  President  Pierce,  now,  with  his  son,  quietly  en- 
gaged in  the  practice  of  law.  Meantime,  Delegate  David 
"W.  Sellers,  well-known  Counsellor-at-law  has  been  agreed 
upon  as  the  Temporary  Chairman  of  the  Conveution, — al- 
ready a  victory  for  the  Conservatives  as  he  is  a  strong  support- 
er of  King.  Counsellor  John  I.  Bogers,  whom  we  afterward 
come  to  know  as  an  able  member  of  the  Independent  Demo- 
cratic Committee  of  Thirty-one,  has  been  chosen  by  the 
King  men  as  the  one  to  nominate  their  champion  in 
the  Convention,  it  being  understood  that  the  nomination 
shall  be  made  directly  after  the  reading  by  Delegate  Camp, 
bell  of  Candidate  King's  letter,  before  the  opposition  ele- 
ment has  time  to  develop  its  tactics.  The  plan  works  to 
perfection.  Delegate  Sellers  is  made  Temporary  Chairman 
and  is  afterward  continued  as  Permanent  Chairman.  At 
the  proper  time  and  before  names  of  candidates  have  been 
offered.  Delegate  Campbell  arises  and,  after  some  pertinent 
remajks,  reads  this  letter  from  Candidate  King : 


XXVIII  APPENDIX. 

Philadelphia,  January  26, 1881. 
To  the  President  and  members  of  the  Democratic  Mayoralty 
Convention. 
"  Gentlemen  : — Understanding  that  nij-  name  will  be  pre- 
sented as  a  candidate  for  the  oflice  of  Mayor  of  this  city  I 
think  it  but  due  to  you  and  to  myself  to  state  to  you  my 
position.  One  of  the  most  important  offices  within  the  gift 
of  the  people  is  the  office  of  Keceiver  of  Taxes.  The  office 
is  said  to  be  worth  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  dollars  yearly. 
Its  perquisites  are  so  enormous  as  to  cause  a  frightlul  de- 
moralization in  the  ranks  of  both  parties.  The  whole  com- 
munity cries  out  for  a  repeal  of  the  iniquitous  law  whicl 
gives  large  fortunes  to  a  few  individuals  at  the  expense  oi 
the  Taxpaj'ers.  The  great  mass  of  our  citizens,  without  any 
distinction  of  party,  call,  in  trumpet  tones,  for  the  election 
of  John  Hunter,  a  truly  honest  man,  who  will,  if  elected, 
return  these  immense  sums  of  money  to  the  City  Treasury 
and  thereby  lessen  the  burden  of  taxation.  This  will  cause 
a  rejieal  of  the  iniquitous  law.  These  being  my  sentiments 
I  cannot  consent  to  the  use  of  my  name  unless  John  Hunter 
be  associated  with  me  on  the  ticket.  The  use  of  the  name 
of  any  other  man  than  John  Hunter  for  the  office  of  Re- 
ceiver of  Taxes  at  a  crisis  like  this,  an  office  so  separated 
from  politics,  would  be  suicidal,  and  would  only  bring  re- 
proach and  disgrace  on  the  parties  who  advocate  or  counte- 
nance such  a  course.    Your  obedient  servant. 

"  SAMUEL  G.  KING." 

The  letter  is  received  with  enthusiasm,  delegates  cheering 
60  lustily  that  regular  business  has  to  be  suspended  for 
several  minutes.  Before  the  applause  subsides  Delegate 
Rogers  arises,  and  being  recognized  by  the  Chair  mounts 
the  platform  and  in  an  eloquent  speech  presents  the  name 
of  Councilman  King,  "  his  nicely  rounded  sentences  effect- 
ively spoken,"  causing  renewed  applause.    He  says  : 

•'  The  Democratic  party,  though  casting  76,000  votes  last 
Kovember  is  nevertheless  a  minority  party  in  Philadelphia, 
and  being  such  must  of  necessity  and  for  its  own  success  so 
conduct  itself  as  to  insure  the  co-operation  of  those  inde- 
pendent citizens  who  prefer  the  common  good  to  partisan 
triumph,  and  who  have  so  often  joined  with  us  in  electing 
upright  and  incorruptible  Democrats  to  offices  of  trust  and 
responsibility.  These  public  spirited  men  first  turned  to 
the  Ilepublican  party  for  relief  from  the  incubus  of  ring  rule, 
but  in  vain.    That  party  has  presented  for  the  Mayoralty  as 


APPEKDIX.  XXIX 

a  fourth-term  candidate  a  man  who  owes  his  political  birth, 
tuition,  and  advancement  exclusively  to  his  subserviency  to 
the  behests  of  the  Seventh  gtreet  cabal.  The  result  is  wide- 
spread dissatislactiun  ainon^  those  Republicans  who  ac- 
knowledge no  taskmasters,  who  wear  no  busses'  livery,  and 
who  breathe  the  unofficial  air  of  freedom.  They  put  little 
faith  in  Mr.  Stukley's  alleged  afostacy  from  the  friendships 
and  affiliations  of  bis  entire  political  life.  They  deny,  with 
us,  the  vauntedperl'ectionof  his  police  loice  which,  although 
improved  by  nine  years  of  discipline  is  justly  chargeable 
with  numerous  petty  tyrannies  and  which,  though  blind  to 
the  deeds  of  Kepublican  law-breakers,  becomes  Argus-eyed 
when  Democratic  victims  are  to  be  hunted  down.  These 
taxpayers  regardless  of  party  ties  now  turn  to  us  for  the 
encouragement  and  relief  denied  them  in  their  own  ranks. 
They  ask  of  us  to-day  our  best  and  wisest  decision,  our 
ablest  and  most  acceptable  candidate  ;  one  whom  they  know 
has  been  tested  by  experience  and  never  found  lacking  in 
those  qualifications  which  would  grace  the  Chief  Magistrate 
of  our  city." 

"When  the  name  of  Councilman  King  is  presented  it  is 
received  with  such  unbounded  enthusiasm  that  be  is  nomi- 
nated on  the  first  ballot.  The  chairman  then  appoints  a 
committee  headed  by  Delegate  Campbell  to  notify  Mr.  King 
of  the  Convention's  action,  and  the  adjournment  takes  place 
with  the  Conservatives  complete  masters  of  the  situation, 
their  opponents  having  been  so  eflectually  taken  by  sur- 
prise that  they  juelded  without  resistance. 

Afterward,  having  received  a  letter  of  inquiry  from  the 
Committee  of  One  Plundred  as  to  whether  he  is  willing  to 
indorse  their  Declaration  of  Principles,  Candidate  King  re- 
plies in  the  following  words,  on  the  receipt  of  which  the 
Committee  at  once  indorse  his  candidacy : 

Philadelplda,  Januar,y2d,  1881. 

George  "W.  Fakk,  Esq.,  Secretary  Committee  of  One  Hun- 
dred : 
"  Deak  Sir  : — I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  28th  instant, 
and  in  reply  would  say  that  I  indorse  freely  and  most  cor- 
dially the  Declaration  of  Principles  adopted  by  your  Coni; 
mittee  and  will,  if  elected,  faithfully  carry  them  out.  They 
accord  in  every  respect  with  my  own  sentiments— that  part 


YXX  APPENDIX. 

of  them  particularly  which  refers  to  a  non-partisan  police. 
If  elected  Mayor  no  man  shall  be  appointed  or  removed  by 
me  for  political  consideration,  none  shall  be  assessed  for 
political  purposes.  My  past  life  as  a  member  of  Select 
Council  shows  that  your'Declaration  of  Principles  has  been 
my  rule  of  conduct  as  a  member  of  that  body. 
"Your most  obedient  servant, 

"  SAMUEL  G.  KING." 

COUNCILMAN  HUNTER'S  DECLARATION. 

Republican  and  Democratic  Conventions  have  been  held 
Both  parties  have  rejected  Councilman  Hunter;  yet  in  the 
Democratic  Tax  Receivers'  Convention  there  has  been  a 
"bolt"  and  fifty-seven  delegates  have  refused  to  abide  by 
the  nomination  of  William  V.  McGrath,  and  in  a  body 
through  enthusiastic  throngs  of  people,  take  their  way  from 
the  meeting  place  of  the  Convention  to  the  headquarters  of 
the  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  where  they  nominate  Coun- 
cilman Hunter.  Revolution  has  begun.  To  Independence 
Hall  a  Committee  on  Notification  headed  by  John  L.  Grim 
proceeds.  Councilman  Hunter  being  there  as  a  member  of 
the  Committee  on  Investigation  of  the  Gas  Trust.  He  is  no- 
tified amidst  impressive  surroundings  and  amidst  the  cheers 
of  the  people.  He  makes  a  brief  speech  thanking  the  Com- 
mittee and  the  'bolting'  Convention.  Controller  Pattison 
also  appears  and  makes  a  speech.  This  event  greatly 
strengthens  the  cause  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred, 
who  unite  on  Hunter  and  King.  On  the  following  day  Coun- 
cilman Hunter  again  writes  to  the  Committee  of  One  Hun- 
dred : 

Philadelpiiia,  January  28. 
To  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred: 

"  Gentlemen: — The  people  of  the  city  want, — First,  full 
and  complete  control  of  the  Gas  "Works, — free  access  to  the 
books,  papers,  incidental  accounts  and  inner  workings  of 
the  department;  the  most  economical  arrangement  by  com- 
petent officials  and  honest  trustees,  that  the  profits  of  the 
Trust  may  go  for  the  benefit  of  the  gas  consuming  public 
where  thev  properly  belong.  This  can  only  be  done  by  the 
most  euergetiQ  and  active  work  in  the  diflerent  wards  that 


APPENDIX.  XXXI 

intelligent  Independent  Councilmen  may  be  elected  who 
alone  can  appoint  practical  business  men  as  Gas  Trustees. 
Second, — the  Tax  Office  and  Delinquent  Tax  Office  must  be 
placed  under  the  control  of  the  voters  and  taxpayers,  that 
all  the  emoluments  of  the  officers  over  and  above  a  fair 
compensation  may  be  returned  to  the  City  Treasury.  A 
man  should  be  elected  Tax  Receiver  who  will,  even  without 
repeal  of  the  present  Delinquent  Bill,  conduct  the  afi'airs  of 
the  office  in  the  best  interests  of  the  people,  in  the  most 
economical  non-partisan  manner  and  in  accordance  with  the 
spirit  and  intention  of  the  provisions  of  the  New  Constitu- 
tion making:  all  offices  salaried.  This  can  only  be  done  by 
combined  determined  eftbrts  all  over  the  city  by  the  people, 
regardless  of  party.  I  wrote  you  a  letter  placing  myself  in 
your  hands  '  if  in  your  judgment  it  was  advisable  to  place 
my  name  before  the  people  as  an  independent  citizens'  can- 
didate.' Since  that  letter  was  written  both  parties  have 
made  nominations  and  the  candidates  are  before  the  public. 
I  ask  as  a  favor  that  you  will  to-day,  at  your  meeting,  deem 
it  advisable  to  make  me  a  candidate  before  the  voters  of  the 
«ity. 

"  To  the  Independent  Democratic  Convention  members  who 
indorsed  me,  to  the  dependent  members  of  the  Republican 
Convention  who  favored  me,  but  dared  not  say  so,  to  the 
many  prominent  men  of  all  parties  who  have  publicly  ex- 
pressed themselves  as  believing  in  my  integrity,  to  the 
thousands  of  taxpayers  who  do  not  know  me,  to  the  members 
of  Councils  who  have  sat  with  me  for  years  in  deliberation 
over  city  affairs — to  you  as  a  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  I 
desire  to  express  my  thanks  for  the  hearty  approval  of  my 
official  course  so  far. 

*'  I  propose  in  the  future  either  as  Councilman  or  Tax  Re- 
ceiver to  do  my  whole  duty  to  the  best  of  my  ability.  I 
have  no  favors  to  ask,  except  that  the  voters  by  an  over- 
whelming majority  shall  make  it  impossible  for  ringsters  to 
count  out  honestly  elected  Reformers. 

"I  am  with  you  now  and  always,  with  time,  money,  and 
influence  to  secure  for  this  city  what  it  deserves— the  eco- 
nomical administration  of  municipal  aftairs,  good  and  cheap 
gas  and  water  and  plenty  of  it;  good  highways  and  com- 
fortable, low  priced  facilities  for  traveling  over  theoi;  tirst 
class  schools  with  well-paid  teachers  and  practical  intel- 
ligent directors;  a  system  of  sewerage  that  will  prevent  as 
much  as  possible  the  ravages  of  infectious  diseases,  and  a 
full  and  free  expression  of  the  will  of  the  people  that  can- 
not and  will  not  be  misunderstood. 

"  "With  this  as  my  platform  and  wishing  you  great  success 
in  your  efforts  at  reform,  I  am  yours  very  truly, 

JOHN  HUNTER." 


XXXII  APPENDIX. 

VOTE  OF  THE  CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  PHILA-^ 
DELPHIA  IN  1880. 

The  following  exhibit  of  the  vote  of  the  City  and  County 
of  Philadelphia,  in  the  Presidential  election  of  November, 
1880,  illustrates,  in  a  remarkable  manner,  the  extent  and  the 
influence  of  the  Reform  sentiment  among  the  people  at  this 
time;  marking,  as  it  did,  a  stage  in  the  political  history  of 
the  city  which  was  destined  to  become  memorable.  It 
should  be  borne  in  mind  that  when  this  election  came  off, 
the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  had  not  yet  come  into  ex- 
istence, the  election  taking  place  on  the  2d  of  November, 
while  the  first  meeting  of  citizens,  called  by  E.  Dunbar 
Lockwood  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  such  Committee, 
was  not  held  until  thirteen  days  later,  or  on  the  15th  of 
November.  In  the  meantime  the  Philadelphia  journals  and 
the  NewYork  Herald  had  been  spreading  before  the  people 
daily  startling  disclosures  with  reference  to  mismanagement 
and  fraud  in  the  Gas  Trust.  The  vote  of  Philadelphia  for 
the  Republican  and  Democratic  candidates  for  the  Presi- 
dency, Garfield  and  Hancock;  for  the  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic candidates  for  Auditor  General,  Lemon  and  Dechert;. 
for  the  Republican  and  Democratic  candidates  for  the  Su- 
preme Court,  Green  and  Jenks,  and  for  the  Republican  and 
Democratic  candidates  for  County  Controller,  Jeffries  and 
Pattison — the  vote  of  the  city  for  these  respective  candi- 
dates shows  a  singular  discrimination  on  the  part  of  voters 
in  favor  of  certain  candidates  irrespective  of  party,  which 
fact  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  aroused  spirit  of  the  people  in 
favor  of  a  reform  in  their  local  affairs.  The  vote  was  as 
follows : 

FOR  PRESIDENT: 
Garfield,  R— 97,220.  Hancock,  D— 76,330. 

AUDITOR  GENERAL  : 
Lemon,  R— 95,819.  Dechert,  D— 77,584. 

SUPREME  JUDGE : 
Green,  R— 97,929.  Jenks,  D— 75,611. 

COUNTY  CONTROLLER: 
Jeffries,  11—79,868.  Pattison,  D— 93,471, 


NAMES  OF  THE  PRESENT  MEMBERS  OF  THE 
COMMITTEE  OF  ONE  HUNDRED. 


William  Arrott. 
J.  T.  Audenried, 
Joel  J.  Baily. 
Joshua  L.  Baily. 
Robert  V.  Barber. 
Thomas  W.  Barlow, 
Henry  Bettle. 
Rudolph  Blankenburg. 
James  Bonbright. 
William  Brockie. 
George  Burnham. 
George  L.  Buzby. 
J,  Hays  Carson. 
Wm.  H.  Castle. 
Saml.  Castner,  Jr. 
George  C.  Child. 
E.  W.  Clark. 
Charles  J.  Cohen. 
Robert  R.  Corson. 
John  F.  Craig. 
George  V.  Cresson. 
Samuel  Croft. 
George  H.  Earle. 
sGeo.  H.  Earle,  Jr. 


Henry  C.  Lea. 
Edmund  Lewis 
Thos.  Leaming. 
Amos  R.  Little. 
E.  D.  Lockwood. 
Geo.  D.  McCreary. 
Geo.  L  McKelway. 
John  McLaughlin. 
Lewis  C.  Madeira, 
Thos.  J.  Martin. 
James  S.  Mason. 
Theo.  Megargee. 
William  Mencke. 
Merle  Middleton. 
John  T.  Monroe. 
Thos.  G.  Morton,  M.D. 
Aquila  Nebeker,  M.D. 
Joseph  Parrish. 
T.  Morris  Perot. 
James  Peters. 
Horace  W.  Pitkin. 
Wm.  Potter. 
Robert  Purvis. 
Francis  B.  Reeves. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS— Cbn^mwed 


Wm.  J.  Exley. 
G.  W.  Farr,  Jr. 
John  Field. 
Clayton  French. 
Philip  C.  Garrett. 
D.  R.  Garrison. 
Henry  C.  Gibson. 
John  E.  Graeff. 
James  Graham. 
F.  Gutekunst, 
Wm.  Harkness,  Jr. 
Charles  J.  Harrah. 
Thos.  S.  Harrison. 
R.  E.  Hastings. 
F.  Oden  Horstmann. 
Wm.  Hunt,  Jr. 
John  A.  Hunter,  M.D. 
John  Hunter. 
N.  E.  Janney. 
Wm.  H.  Jenks. 
Jos.  de  F.  Junkin. 
Theodore  Justice. 
W.  W.  Justice. 
Godfrey  Keebler. 


Charles  Richardson. 
Sam'l.  G.  Scott. 
Henry  J.  Scott. 
David  Scull,  Jr. 
Thos.  M.  Seeds. 
W.  Fred'k.  Snyder. 
E.  A.  Souder. 
James  Spear. 
Charles  Spencer. 
William  G.  Steel. 
John  S.  Stevens. 
J.  C.  Strawbridge. 
Henry  C.  Thompson. 
John  C.  Watt. 
Chris.  Wetherill. 
Edw.  S.  Whelen. 
Geo.  Whitney. 
Ellis  D.  Williams. 
Thos.  V.  Williams 
Henry  Winsor. 
Walter  Wood. 
William  Wood. 
James  A.  Wright. 


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